I-CAN-GHANA

(Speech delivered by Ace Anan Ankomah, Guest Speaker at the 2022/2023 University of Ghana, College of Humanities Academic Prizes Award Ceremony on Thursday, April 25, 2024.)

Madam Vice-Chancellor, Provost of the College of Humanities, thank you for selecting me as the Guest Speaker for this awards ceremony. I will speak about three mundane things: horses, alcohol and food. Then I hope to challenge the award winners, and then conclude.

I. GOLD MEDAL & THE TEASER

On 14 August 2023, my friend and brother Dr Nana’adzie Ghansah took me to visit a Kentucky horse farm. I met a thoroughbred racehorse called Medaglia d’Oro (trnsl. Gold Medal), winner of several major stakes races. Born in 1999, he retired from racing in 2004 to become a stud, mating with between 125 and 160 mares a year. When the mares have live births, he gets paid.

In his first stud year, he earned $35,000 per birth (est. total $5.6M.) Like a company, he got acquired by a group of shareholders led by Dubai’s ruler Sheik Mohammed bin Rashid al Maktoum, at a rumoured $45M value. The horse has worldwide demand because he is highly prepotent, readily passing along his own striking physical appearance, solid frame and level disposition. He leaves a legacy. In 2015 alone, 129 of his ‘babies’ won races around the world, and by 2017, his stud fee was $250,000 per birth (est. total $40M.) When we met last year, he was earning a reduced $100,000 per birth. I gawked in disbelief and literally ‘looked up to’ him. He literally ‘looked down on’ me and snorted, as if to ask ‘human, how much are you worth?’

He lives like a king in plush stables with controlled temperature and conditioned air, has an exclusive open-air, grassed paddock for his daily strolls and gallops, and does a daily 30-minute workout on an underwater treadmill. In 2018, the authoritative racingpost.com wrote that he had earned $500M in his lifetime! Why? He won his races. He leaves a legacy.

Now, let’s meet the teaser, another horse. Often, when mares arrive at the farm, they aren’t immediately ready for mating, are irritable, and may kick and bite. So, another horse is deployed to ‘tease’ the mare into readiness. He gets kicked and bitten. When he gets the mare ready, the teaser is dragged out, neighing in protest, and then the Gold Medal is brought in to stud. The studding is closely monitored and guided by a veterinary officer-led team. Why? The Gold Medal has won his races, and in leaving legacies ‘in his image and after his likeness,’ professionals ensure that, literally, no seed is wasted!

Paul wrote in the Script that ‘run to win.’ And, the ancient Jewish King, Solomon, propounded the concept of the ‘good person,’ as one whose legacy survives to the children of their children. The races you win and the legacy you leave combine to determine whether you are a Gold Medal or a teaser, or something in-between. Significantly, at the farm, we were only told about the teaser. He wasn’t shown off to us, we weren’t told his name, and we didn’t bother to ask to see him.

II. BOURBON WHISKEY & AKPETESHIE

Next, we visited a distillery that makes a brand of the world-famous bourbon whiskey, mainly from corn. Eburo. Abele. They mill it: like we do. Then they ferment it, not by waiting for ‘natural fermentation,’ but by slow-boiling at a temperature, with the exact amount of yeast required, and over a period, all scientifically-determined. Then they drain, distil and store the clear liquid in sealed, charred new oak barrels for at least two years, and voila! the deep amber coloured bourbon whiskey, full of flavour and depth. But the boiler room smelled so pleasantly like boiling kenkey, that I asked: ‘What do you do with the kenkey, sorry the boiled mash, after you have drained the fluid?’ Answer: ‘We sell it to the nearby horse farms as horse feed.’ My potential fermented kenkey, kɔmi, dɔkon, banku, ɛtsew, mmɔr kooko, wo na lɛ okyiaw’, nsiho, boodoo, abolo feeds animals like the Gold Medal!

There is some fortuitously choreographed history. In 1920, the respective governments of the Gold Coast Colony and the United States banned alcohol. The Gold Coast’s Liquor Ordinance, passed on 31 December 1920, prohibited distilling and selling locally-brewed alcohol. Three results: (i) imported schnapps were forcibly incorporated into libation pouring, other rituals and events; (ii) distillers went underground, operating secretly in forests and remote villages, and (iii) the illicit alcohol deservingly got christened ‘Akpeteshie,’ which literally means ‘we are hiding.’

Earlier, on 16 January 1920 in the US, the Volstead Act came into effect, prohibiting manufacturing and selling alcohol, except use for scientific research, religious and medicinal purposes. Three results: (i) alcohol use in science labs ballooned; (ii) ceremonial wine consumption sharply increased; and (iii) doctors, permitted to prescribe just a pint of alcohol to a patient every 10 days, prescribed it to treat ailments including high blood pressure, anaemia, heart disease, typhoid, pneumonia and tuberculosis.

Some doctors in Kentucky notoriously wrote prescriptions for the same patients every few hours, for example, for ‘la grippe’ (the flu), and then ‘coryza’ (the common cold), and then ‘pharyngitis’ (sore throat.) One doctor was cited for issuing 475 alcohol prescriptions in one day! By the time the Act was repealed after just 13 years, American doctors had issued an estimated 143M alcohol prescriptions. Kentucky has since developed its bourbon whiskey distillation into the safe, taught, learned and highly profitable science I saw.

Meanwhile, in the Gold Coast, the 1920 prohibition was only repealed two days before Independence Day, 37 years later. Even when the new Parliament passed the 1959 Spirits (Distillation and Licensing) Bill to legalise distillation and sale, with royal assent, the then Governor-General never brought it into force. ‘Akpeteshie Independence’ came only when the Republican Parliament passed the 1961 Akpeteshie Act.

However, even then, to be a distiller, one had to belong to a recognised co-operative society. As recently as 1996, the police still hounded ‘independent’ distillers and impounded their products. This only ended in 1997 when the Supreme Court in MENSIMA v ATTORNEY-GENERAL, by a narrow 3:2 margin, declared this requirement discriminatory and unconstitutional. The lead judgment by Justice Ampiah explained that ‘the word [Akpeteshie] came into use because of the obnoxious law which empowered the police to apprehend distillers [and]…sellers of the liquor,’ and that it ‘acquired such notoriety that it was invariably referred to by various appellations such as “bomkotoku,” “kill me quick,” “ogogro,” “mete megyaho,” “maka maka,” “kwankyensorodo,” “VC 10,” [and] “fametu.”’

Contrast: one country removed the prohibition after 13 years and allowed a teachable and replicable science in safe distillation to emerge. Another country required its Supreme Court, 77 years later, to remove the last vestiges of a colonial prohibition with a blaze of judicial appellations, and largely still brews Akpeteshie (and for that matter pito, nsafufuo, doka, mmɛda, ahey etc), in nearly the same way as the great grandparents.

III. KENKEY & WAAKYE

We have had kenkey from time immemorial: Ga kɔmi, Fantse dɔkon, and that unforgettable Asante dɔkono prepared with pre-cooked palm oil, vegetable and dried fish stew in the middle. Yet apparently, the most recent revolution in kenkey production happened when the then Governor Gordon Guggisberg reportedly introduced the corn mill to the Gold Coast. This, according to unverified oral tradition, led to Accra re-christening the meal then called ‘otim’ (hence ‘otinshinu’) as ‘kɔmi.’ I struggle to believe that this popular culinary delight is named after an imported mechanical contraption, ‘abele tsɔne,’ the onomatopoeic ‘nika-nika.’ But where is a university-documented history of the evolution of kenkey in Ghana?

History suggests that the 1919–1927 Governor, Guggisberg, was a ‘domfo-kumfo’ (promoter-destroyer) who supervised the local alcohol prohibition and introduced the ubiquitous corn mill. In 2024, the Ministry of Agriculture estimates that 90 percent of all corn mills here are imported from Asia and Europe. About nine percent are cobbled together from old corn mills, with only about one percent manufactured locally. Thus, for over a century, to be able make and eat kenkey, we make other countries rich.

It’s Saturday morning. You are patiently salivating in the line at your local waakye joint. Just when it is your turn to be served, and with about 20 people in line behind you, the seller announces, almost proudly, ‘waakye no asa,’ ie, ‘the waakye is finished.’ To your groans, she retorts ‘me waakye no ɛnso tɔ, nti ɛyɛ a mo mbra ntɛm,’ as in ‘my waakye sells faster than hot cakes, so come earlier tomorrow.’

Right there, a growth opportunity is lost to this necessity entrepreneur, because ‘perhaps what you measure is what you get. Most likely, what you measure is all you’ll get. What you don’t (or can’t) measure is lost.’ So, tomorrow, she will prepare the same amount of waakye, and then this ‘history’ will repeat itself. Meanwhile, this table-top/kiosk waakye necessity entrepreneur has one thing in common with opportunity entrepreneurs, the Papaye and Marwako franchises: they all sell boiled rice. I am waiting for the franchises and delivery services of my three most favourite boiled rice joints: the one by the big gutter in Labone, the one near Tip Toe in Kokomlemle, and the one by the road in Nyaniba Estates. That is the difference between the necessity entrepreneur, who works just to survive, with limited capital and options, and the opportunity entrepreneur, who seeks unexploited entrepreneurial opportunities in the market.

Whoever first said ‘kitiwa biara nsua,’ within a fundraising context, probably meant well. But in reality, standing alone, ‘kitiwa sua.’ And, I am yet to identify which of earth’s mighty oceans was made from little drops of water, because for the most part, little drops of water either evaporate or are wiped away! Today, I read that the Ferrero and Mars families, owners of the two largest private chocolate companies, saw their fortunes surge to $161B last year. According to Oxfam, that is more than the combined GDP of Ghana and Cote d’Ivoire, the largest cocoa bean producers. A decade old viral video shows an interview with an Ivorian cocoa farmer who said, ‘Frankly, I don’t know what one makes from cocoa beans. I am trying to earn a good living with growing cocoa. They make good food from them, but I’ve never seen it.’ Reality: ‘you’re either at the table or on the menu.’

IV. GAME-CHANGER & CHALLENGE

Back to the tours, the real game changers were the tour guides and their obvious depth of knowledge in the history and science of their respective industries. I inquired. The horse farm guide was studying EQUINE SCIENCE AND MANAGEMENT at the University of Kentucky. The distillery guide had a degree in DISTILLATION, WINE AND BREWING SCIENCE from the same school.

In one afternoon, I experienced two of Kentucky’s blessings: horses and corn, not to mention the more famous fried chicken we had for dinner afterwards. Ghana is, maybe, more blessed. But they haven’t stopped at those blessings, repeated supplications for blessings with every singing of a national anthem, created myths and taboos about them or, worse, undertaken a path of destruction by ‘galamseying’ them. They are working it, developing them, building curricula, teaching and producing graduates to practise and improve them. They are killing it, rocking their blessings.

My mantra now is that development first comes when we (1) look to what we do, (2) document them, (3) jettison the myths and taboos about them, (4) rather, find the science in them, and then (5) develop technologies and industries aimed at making what we do (a) easier, (b) interesting, and (c) marketable. By that, we will evolve, develop and improve on workable, sustainable, generation-surviving and fortune-changing strategies, systems and structures.

I challenge today’s award winners with the balanced wisdom of one of modern Ghana’s foremost music philosophers, Charles Kwadwo Fosu aka Daddy Lumba in his song Sika (Ohia Yɛ Ya). He cautions against laziness, and sings that ‘the same God Who says, “do not be anxious for what you will eat, drink or wear,” also says “if anyone will not work, neither shall he eat.”’ Now, when Lumba (Dwaben Fosu) quotes the Script, you better take it seriously! So, stop encouraging laziness, humouring lateness, suffering foolishness gladly, tolerating tardiness, cheering average or below par performance, celebrating mediocrity and mollycoddling the bourgeoning beggar, defeatist and victim mentality. Declare, like my best friend’s WhatsApp DP, that ‘I’m not here to be AVERAGE; I’m here to be AWESOME.’ Time no dey!

Exercise your mind by reading widely; develop tough mental muscles by thinking broadly. Challenge yourself to be excellent. Excellence is not the enemy of good: it is but another aim, target and step, a reason to wake up tomorrow. If the true length of the frog is only determined at its death, ensure that the tape to posthumously measure yours is yet to be manufactured. Time no shԑdaa dey!

Robustly challenge conventions and traditions. Every tradition was, once-upon-a-time, an innovation or coping mechanism. Today, if a tradition’s only justification is the defensive and often snotty ‘that is how we do things here,’ then I strongly suggest that that tradition is now calcified, fossilised, ossified and irrelevant. Fearlessly discard it. It is powerless. You won’t die! Time no dey like that!

You have it all. In my time here, we did not have such grand awards events: all I got was a book prize. So, let’s skip the faux ‘humbleness.’ You graduated on top of your respective classes and subjects. You deserve to be here. Today, you are Gold Medals. Congratulations. Let that marinate. Enjoy the moment. You’re the best; BUT make it count after here. You are blessed; BUT make it work after here. You cannot be the best in class and then flunk life, becoming a human ‘teaser.’ Work your blessing; kill it. Dream big; make it count. I dare you to rock your blessing. Time no dey!

A lady I happen to know quite well, returned to grad school here 13 years after completing undergrad studies. Then aged 35 with three preteen children, she still won the 2003 Professor Ben Amoako-Adu Award of Excellence as the Best Graduating Student in MBA Finance. Currently, she is head of a leading bank’s operations in 18 African countries, and has just been voted the 2024 Top Woman to Watch in African Banking, Finance and Investment. On the recent International Women’s Day, she posted: ‘I am here, I deserve to be here, I earned my spurs and stripes, Through grit and the Grace, I will achieve and accomplish …and yes, I am a woman.’ Time no shԑdaa dey like that!

Nike says ‘Just Do It.’ But add the Script that ‘it is not [only] of him that willeth, nor of him that runneth, but of God that sheweth mercy.’

V. CONCLUSION

I believe that each time we sing ‘God, bless our homeland Ghana,’ God answers and blesses, making us certainly ’over-blessed’ by now. But I dare us to rock those blessings. Someone said: ‘live full, die empty.’ I say, ‘Live, rocking the blessing! And Die, still rocking the blessing!!’ Time no dey! And one day, buy a yacht and name it ‘Someday Came.’

I once wrote a poem titled BEYOND THE ORDINARY, which concludes as follows:

‘The EXTRA in the word “extraordinary”
Is what the extraordinary
Has over the ordinary:
That thing beyond the ordinary.
If we can think beyond the ordinary,
If we can look and see beyond the ordinary,
If we can imagine and dream beyond the ordinary,
If we act and work beyond the ordinary,
Then we will be beyond the ordinary
Then we will truly become extraordinary.’

A version of this poem is published in the recently-launched book titled LETTERS OF HOPE TO MY YOUNGER SELF, edited by Aba Cato Andah and Zoe Baraka. An editors-autographed copy of this book is available for each award winner. You may pick a copy at the door as you leave.

Congratulations once again, and permit me to specially congratulate Michael Appiah-Kubi, the Best Graduating Male Sports Personality, on behalf of The Union Ghana, the sports club I proudly belong to, and which sponsored his education here.

I hope that I have spoken for all the sponsors. Thank you for your time and attention, God bless you. Now go out there and rock the blessing! Because Time no dey!

(Anniversary Lecture: OccupyGhana v. Attorney General
British Council Hall, Accra 14th June 2019)

Theme: From Surcharging to Safeguarding: Next Steps in the Fight to Protect the Public Purse

Mr. Vice-President, My Lord Jones Dotse, the Auditor-General, The Special Prosecutor, distinguished ladies and gentlemen:

On 15th October 2014, OccupyGhana issued a press statement to mark the first 100 days of the 1st July 2014 demonstration organised by the Concerned Ghanaians for Responsible Governance and dubbed “OccupyFlagStaffHouse,” the event that ultimately led to the formation of OccupyGhana as an organisation. In addition to our ‘rants’ about the state of the nation, we made one poignant point that attracted some press headlines, but, as is often the case in Ghana, disappeared from the headlines soon thereafter. This is what we said:

“Ladies and Gentlemen, one strong institution that has been created by our law and literally empowered to nip public sector corruption in the bud is the Audit Service; yet successive Auditors-General have failed this nation simply because they have been too weak to exercise these powers. Specifically, the Constitution and the Audit Service Act empower the Auditor-General to disallow expenditures that are contrary to law and then surcharge the public official responsible for incurring or authorising such expenditure with the amount of any loss incurred to the state. If the official does not pay within 60 days, the Auditor-General is to refer the matter to the Attorney-General, who is then required by the law to commence legal proceedings against the affected official, to recover the monies lost to us.

Ladies and Gentlemen, to the best of our knowledge and information, this power has NOT been exercised by any Auditor-General. All that successive Auditors-General seem to do is to issue yearly audit reports, send them to Parliament, go to sleep, and wake up the next year to begin this impotent cycle all over again. The effect is that public officials, who have paid out and spent the taxpayer’s monies with reckless abandon, are comforted in the belief that nothing will ever happen to them.

OCCUPYGHANA will bring this culture of combined impotence and impunity to an end. We are going to deliver a 30-day notice to the Auditor-General and the Attorney-General, as required by law, that they should stand up and be counted, and immediately exercise this power of disallowance and surcharge under the law. It is time for the Auditor-General to dig and rake up all past Audit Reports and apply the law. Notice is further served, that if the law is not complied with, we will commence legal proceedings in court to compel the due performance of those statutory functions and duties.”

Impudent? Sassy? Effrontery? Audacity? Guilty as charged. But we had no illusions that officialdom would simply roll over and accept this demand. They ignored this statement.

On 12th November 2014, we wrote to the Attorney-General and Auditor-General putting them on formal notice of our intentions. That 4-page letter set out our understanding of these powers, and stated that we had studied the Auditor-General’s Audit Reports to Parliament for 11 years, which had identified

“a wide range of stolen and/or misappropriated funds which are due to the public purse. Nevertheless and quite without explanation, although the Auditor-General is known to have made ‘recommendations,’ OccupyGhana and most Ghanaians are not aware of a single instance in which a Disallowance and Surcharge has been made by the Auditor-General.”

This time, someone took notice. The then Acting Auditor-General responded on the very next day, acknowledging receipt of the letter. The 13th November 2014 response said two main things: first, it drew our attention to the fact that under article 187(7) of the Constitution, “the Auditor-General shall not be subject to the direction or control of any other person or authority in the performance of his functions.” Second, and in the final paragraph, the letter asked us to expect a further response “as a means of educating OccupyGhana and the general public on the validity or otherwise of matters raised in your letter.”

This letter led to wild jubilation in certain circles, especially on social media. One deputy minister at the time wrote on Facebook: “I just love the final paragraph.” We waited for this to fester for a while and then we sent a response. In our 20th November 2014 letter We told the Auditor-General that his reading of the Constitution should not end at article 187(7), and that he should continue to article 295(8), under which no independence:

“shall preclude a court from exercising jurisdiction in relation to any question whether that person or authority has performed those functions in accordance with this Constitution or the law.”

What followed was a furious exchange of letters between us. The Auditor-General insisted that the office “has performed its constitutional functions as contained in article 187.” We challenged them to give us examples. They gave ONE! And even that did not follow the procedure in the law and had been dismissed by the court.

Then we discovered a ‘bomb’ on the Internet. This was a 23rd March 2006 presentation by the then Auditor-General, Mr. Edward Dua Agyeman at a Seminar on Macroeconomic Modelling and Public Accounts Management organised by the Centre for Policy Analysis at Miklin Hotel, East Legon Accra. In the presentation, he described the power of surcharge as “a unique power” given by the Constitution and Audit Service Act. He then added:

“So far this power has not been invoked against public official because they are given the opportunity to rectify financial lapses resulting in delayed accountability. However, because of the escalation in cash irregularities by 99.5% in 2004 involving unpresented payment vouchers and unacquited payments, the Auditor-General will invoke his powers of surcharge against responsible officers for such serious compliance violations in 2006. This robust sanction will hasten and deepen accountability in this country.”

It got more interesting. We also discovered on the Internet a document prepared by the Auditor-General, containing proposals to the Constitutional Review Commission for the amendment of constitutional provisions relating to his office in 2010. In that document, the Auditor-General expressly conceded that he is “not actively introducing measures to implement” his power of Disallowance or Surcharge. At page 16, paragraph 21.ii (Issues and Comments), the Auditor-General states as follows

“The Office of the Auditor-General has received adverse comments from Development Partners who have invested in the national budget and also from parliament for not actively introducing measures to implement the provisions on surcharge and disallowance.”

Why was the Audit Service telling us that it had exercised the powers but telling others that it had not? In one letter we said “our demands are simple. Either you have done your work or you haven’t.”

On 27th March 2015, we had the first direct meeting with the top brass of the Audit Service on this matter, and at their invitation. The then Deputy Auditor-General’s letter of 8th April 2015 confirmed our agreement at the meeting to form a Working Group of 5 (2 from the Audit Service, 2 from OccupyGhana and 1 from the Attorney-General’s Department) “to discuss the format” of Notices of Disallowance and Surcharge and the Certificate, “come out with the proposed format within two weeks,” “discuss the manner in which the Notices…would be issued,” and “make recommendations for any residual matters.”

We were excited. We believed that this matter was not going to end up in court. We naively predicted that the first Disallowances and Surcharges would be issued within a month. But our excitement probably drove us too far, too quickly. We consulted with colleagues in other countries and found a format for surcharging in Uttar Pradesh in India. Our Legal Team and Accountants spent time working with that precedent, and then we forwarded that to the Auditor-General and Attorney-General within days, stating that even before the Working Group would start meeting, these were drafts to be considered to ease the work. Ladies and gentlemen, that was the last time that the Auditor Service spoke with. Our several reminders went unacknowledged. Had we run too quickly and was officialdom put off by our speed?

Were we losing the fight? The public appeared to have lost interest. We had issued court threats and were instead meeting and negotiating with the other side. Tough times. Then we discovered what turned out to be our lightning rod: Article 187(10) had tasked the Rules of Court Committee to enact rules on appeals against surcharges to the High Court. Those rules had not been passed. We saw an opportunity; and here’s a confession – If we could get those appeal rules passed, it would conveniently put the cart before the horse, and the tail would start wagging the dog, literally. If the appeal rules were enacted, then it would be a matter of course that the surcharge regime would have to be put in place. You can’t have an appeal procedure when the originating cause of the appeal does not exist.

And so with an ‘evil’ twinkle in our eyes and a ‘diabolical’ spring in our step, we mapped out the strategy that turned out to be a winner. First, we wrote to the Rules of Court Committee to ask about the rules. They wrote back and asked us to help them draft the rules. Our Legal Team then sent a draft to them in less than two weeks. The Committee worked on the draft, and sent us their draft for our comments. We were on the same page. Ladies and Gentlemen in 2016, the Committee laid the bill before Parliament, which passed and became known as the High Court (Civil Procedure) (Amendment) (No. 2) Rules, 2016 (CI 102) that entered into force on 5th January 2017. It amended the High Court Rules to introduce in a new Order 54A, a procedure for appealing against the Auditor-General’s disallowances and surcharges. We like to impudently call that law the “OccupyGhana Rules.” Thus we had in place our desperate cart-before-the-horse or tail-wags-the-dog scenario where the rules for filing appeals against disallowances and surcharges were in place, but the actual disallowance and surcharge system itself was not. This is what the lawyers call a lacuna, a void, the filling of which was inevitable and simply a matter of course.

Once we knew that the draft bill was on its way to Parliament, we sued. Our Legal Team worked hard with our lawyer, Thaddeus Sory, to produce the documents for court. We filed the case on 21st June 2016. In all, we filed close to 300 pages of materials. But our entire case rested on two very simple arguments. First, we conceded that the Constitution had vested the power to disallow and surcharge in the Auditor-General with the word “may.” But we argued:

“…whether the use of the word “may” in Article 187(7)(b) is construed as merely permissive and empowering, or as “shall,” being imperative and mandatory, the abject failure of the Auditor-General to ever exercise a constitutional power, not even once, in the face of successive financial infractions that he discovers yearly, is a breach of the Constitution.”

Second, Article 296 said that where the Constitution vests a power or imposes a duty, “the power may be exercised and the duty shall be performed from time to time, as occasion requires.” So we said

“…where the circumstances have arisen that should trigger the exercise of the power, or the occasion requiring the exercise of the power has arisen, a person vested with such a power has no option but to exercise it…Therefore, as long as the circumstances to trigger the exercise of the power have arisen, the Auditor-General has been under a constitutional obligation to apply the power and help recover the monies lost to Ghana from the people responsible for the losses. Sitting idly by and never deploying the power of disallowance and surcharge cannot be a reasonable use of his powers. Indeed, we will humbly submit that the lack of use of the power is an abuse of the power.”

The Government responded, throwing the legendary kitchen sink at us. They insisted that we were wrong and that the Auditor-General had been exercising the power, but through management letters. The Government even argued that we had wrongly invoked the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court.

In the interim, the out-going NDC government appointed one Daniel Domelevo as Auditor-General. That was a game-changer. He met with us. We explored an out-of-court resolution of the matter, but decided to wait to see what the Supreme Court would do. That change in leadership at the Audit Service brought with it a refreshing change in attitude and approach. Thus by the time the judgment was delivered OccupyGhana and the Auditor-General, hitherto adversaries, had become strong allies in the same cause, joined at the hip, singing from the same hymn sheet and fighting from the same corner.

On 14th June 2017, just a week to the first anniversary of the date the suit was filed, the Supreme Court spoke. It was a unanimous judgment of the panel of 7 justices, presided over by Sophia Akuffo JSC (as she then was), just 5 days before she was sworn-in as Chief Justice. In the judgment read by Dotse JSC, it was clear that our CI 102 strategy had worked. The court said:

“The enactment of CI 102 makes it quite certain that the powers of the Auditor-General…are to retrieve from persons who have caused loss of public funds in their management of same which is contrary to law. The law speaks for itself and there can be no turning back on this.”

The court then considered the critical issue of the words “may” and “shall,” asking:

“Should this court hold and rule that, because the word “may” has been used in article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution 1992, the Auditor-General’s powers of Surcharge and Disallowance are not mandatory and can be exercised at the whims and caprices of the Auditor-General? Are these constitutional obligations discretionary then?”

The court answered these questions in a way that blew our minds. It referred to Mr. Dua Agyeman’s presentation and promise to implement disallowances and surcharges, and held that:

“However, this resolve to exercise this power from 2006 has not only been breached, but there has been stoic silence from the office of the Auditor-General to date.

When we put all the learning…together, the “may” in article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution 1992, becomes a mandatory may, and no longer permissive. This is to afford us the opportunity to enforce the provisions of article 187(7)(b) which will deepen probity and accountability.

It is to be noted that the times we are in as a nation require that we deepen and institutionalize principles which will uphold proper and decent management and protection of public accounts. The tendency where public accounts are considered as a fattened cow to be milked by all and sundry must stop. Our laws on financial management must therefore be made to work to prevent absurdity in our enforcement regimes of same.

We reckon that, it is in the pursuance of these noble objectives that the Rules of Court Committee has enacted CI 102…

The rationale for the above is to give teeth to the constitutional and statutory mandate of the Auditor-General’s powers on Disallowance and Surcharge to bite.”

The Court then made consequential orders that “henceforth, the Auditor-General shall take steps to recover…” But the Supreme Court was not done. It added, significantly, that

“Finally, the Attorney-General is hereby ordered to take all necessary steps to enforce the decisions or steps taken by the Auditor-General to ensure compliance including in some cases criminal prosecutions.”

And so right there in the judgment we celebrate today, we have the two post-surcharge safeguards of the public purse. First, RESOURCE THE LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES! The court said:

“…what is apparent is that, there is an urgent need to adequately resource not only the office of the Auditor-General, but also that of the other constitutional bodies like the Judiciary, CHRAJ and Attorney-General, just to mention a few, who are the front runners in our fight against corruption. This will ensure that the impact of these constitutional bodies in our quest to ensure probity and accountability thereby enhancing proper management and control of public funds is put on a higher pedestal.

We believe that as a nation, we have reached a critical stage in our governance systems where we must not shy away from spending wisely in order to superintend the public purse. This is the only sure way to ensure that the good governance principles enshrined in the Constitution such as Article 187(7)(b) are not lost.

There is an old adage which states as follows “penny wise, pound foolish.” We therefore must adequately fund these constitutional bodies including the Auditor-General to ensure maximum protection of the public funds.”

The battle to surcharge has been won. The battle to safeguard has just begun. The effect of the Supreme Court judgment is that Auditor-General is mandatorily required to disallow and surcharge whenever he discovers that wrongs have occurred. The language of the Court is so imperative that I dare say, that the Auditor-General has no discretion in the matter. If he fails, refuses or neglects to disallow and surcharge, he could be in contempt of court. Mr. Domelevo we salute you for the work you are doing. But OccupyGhana would gladly cite you for contempt if you ever do not disallow and surcharge, when the situation so demands. This is not a threat. It’s a promise.

But to these words of wisdom, the Supreme Court added the second post-surcharge safeguard: ENFORCE THE LAW! The Court said the civil recoveries must go hand-in-hand with criminal sanctions. The law already assumes that this is happening. That is why section 85(2) of the Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921) provides that:

“The Attorney-General shall, on an annual basis, submit a report on the status of any action commenced on behalf of the Government to the [Finance] Minister, Auditor-General and Parliament following findings of the Auditor-General and recommendations of the Public Accounts Committee of Parliament.”

OccupyGhana confesses that it has not followed this up. We assure Ghanaians that the first thing that will leave our desks on Monday morning is a ‘polite’ letter to the Attorney-General for an update.

Ladies and gentlemen, Ghana has no shortage of laws that will punish the stealing of our funds. We just don’t enforce them. Often, it appears we have even forgotten that those laws exist.

The Auditor-General’s Report covering the audit of liabilities of Ministries, Agencies and Department as at 31st December 2016, submitted to Parliament on 23rd January 2018 showed that out of the total of GH₵11.8 Billion that public officers claimed that the government owed to contractors, GH₵5.5 Billion was foam, fluff and padding, juju and tricks. The Auditor-General promptly disallowed it. But who would have spent that money if the government had made it available? Which officials submitted the false accounting claims? Was there a conspiracy and/or attempt to defraud the government to the tune of US$1 Billion at today’s exchange rate? Has anyone answered any questions to the CID, EOCO or OSP as the case may be?

The Auditor-General also has issued Disallowance and Surcharge certificates to the tune of half a billion cedis, which is outstanding. He has recovered GH₵67 Million and counting, through surcharges.

We have law that says corruption of a public officer (ie where the public officer agrees for their conduct to be influenced by a bribe) is a misdemeanour but could attract up to 25 years in jail. “Fraud by agents,” which is really the criminalisation of private acts of corruption, where a person dishonestly obtains a bribe from another, for doing or not doing an act regarding a principal’s affairs, is also a misdemeanour with the same 25-year maximum jail tag.

Under the Government Contracts (Protection) Act, 1979 (AFRCD 58), the official who issues payment certificates for government contracts and the recipient are liable to refund monies paid where the certificate was issued knowing that the monies were not due, including non-performance of the work or service and non-supply of goods. They could also pay a fine of up to three times the monies paid and/or go to jail for up to 10 years. Where there is corruption, the prescribed jail term is between 5 and 15 years. I am not aware that this law has ever been applied since it was enacted in 1979.

Under the Protection of Public Property Act, 1977 (SMCD 140), the intentional dissipation of public funds could attract a 10-year jail term without the option of a fine. Each of the following: intentional misapplication of, causing loss or damage to public property; loss caused by carelessness, gross negligence or dishonesty; failure to account for public property entrusted to or under control of a person; using public property for private gain; and obtaining public property by false statements, could attract a 5-year jail term. Additional penalties that a court may impose include seizing assets held directly or indirectly in Ghana, or being compelled to transfer title to assets situated outside Ghana.

Time will not permit me to present a compendium of laws that exist and may be used to safeguard the public purse. But for now, several remain as beautifully ignored adornments in our statute books. This needs to change.

To safeguard is to protect, defend, preserve and maintain. We need to move from the mode where Ghana is just a large compound house where everyone knows everyone, someone knows someone who knows someone, and where friendships, family relationships, tribal links, religious affiliations, old school associations and partisan connections trump the law and principles. If we want to safeguard and superintend the public purse, OccupyGhana says it agrees with the Supreme Court. First, let us provide resources for the relevant agencies to work. Second, let us enforce the law. SIMPLE.

Albert Einstein said “We cannot solve our problems with the same thinking we used when we created them.” He is also widely credited with saying, that “the definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over again, but expecting different results.” We need to change. This nation needs to be graced by the “wise, brave and strong” who are prepared to help the right and fight the wrong, and make “our folk a nation.”

When OccupyGhana looks back to when we started this to help the right and fight the wrong, to today when so much is happening with what started as a simple statement, Ghana has made some progress. We were derided by some and encouraged by others. For example, right after a minister publicly savaged us, we got support from what many would consider an unlikely source. Mr. Johnson Asiedu-Nketiah jumped to our defence. He is reported to have said on 16th January 2015 that it was retrogressive for anyone to brand OccupyGhana as anti-government when all it was seeking to do was to complement the government’s efforts in the fight against corruption. He added that he could not fathom why the Auditor-General had all these powers but had failed to crack the whip. He said “I believe OccupyGhana is helping the government’s fight against corruption.”

On 8th February 2018, OccupyGhana found its way into President Akufo-Addo’s 2018 State of the Nation Address when he said “the role of OccupyGhana in increasing awareness of the importance of the work of the Auditor-General should be recognized.”

On 20th November 2014 when we were launching this fight, the speech that I read recited these endearing words of Osibisa:

“It will be hard we know
And the road will be muddy and rough
But we’ll get there…”

We got there, ladies and gentlemen, we got there. It was hard, muddy and rough, but we still got here. This event is organised by hitherto adversaries in court. Ghana got us here. Truly, what lies ahead is much more than what lies behind us. But we soldier on. It is said that “real supermen don’t leap over buildings in a single bound. They take small determined steps consistently over time.” And so step by step, bit by bit, little by little, fio-fio, nkakra-nkakra, poco-a-poco, we will get there. The final words in this book called ‘Ghana Incorporated’ should read “…and in the end, Ghana won.” Ghana has to sing that

“All I do is win win no matter what
Got the future on my mind I can never get enough
Every time I step up in the buildin’
Everybody’s hands go up
And they stay there…”

Resource the agencies. Enforce the law. Then Ghana will win.

Thank you.

(25/1/2017)

Introduction

In the New Patriotic Party (NPP) Manifesto for Election 2016, Chapter 12, page 135, titled ‘Governance, Corruption and Public Accountability,’ the NPP proposed “to establish, by an Act of Parliament, an Office of the Special Prosecutor.” This office is to “be independent of the Executive, to investigate and prosecute certain categories of cases and allegations of corruption and other criminal wrongdoing, including those involving alleged violations of the Public Procurement Act and cases implicating political officeholders and politicians.”

This Manifesto pledge has come into sharp focus since the NPP assumed the reins of government. I have followed quite closely, the debate as to the constitutionality, workability or otherwise of this proposal. In this paper, I intend to review the relevant constitutional provisions and existing law on the subject.

The view that I will seek to advance is that ‘formal independence’ by way of a complete autonomy or separation from the Attorney-General (“AG”) would appear to be difficult to achieve under the provisions of the Constitution because the AG retains responsibility over all prosecutions. However, ‘substantial independence’ by way of impartiality and neutrality may yet be achieved through the firm political will, definite intention, and resolved commitment of/by the government to allow the office holder sufficient freedom, in fact, to carry out the mandate with little to no interference.

The Article 88 Hurdle

The difficulty with attaining ‘formal independence’ starts when one considers Article 88(3) and (4) of the Constitution that “all prosecutions” are: (i) the responsibility of the AG, and (ii) commenced “in the name of the Republic,” but “at the suit of” the AG or persons the AG has duly authorised. The AG remains responsible for all prosecutions, and it would be difficult to assert ‘formal independence’ from an AG who remains in charge of and exercises authority over all prosecutions. However, prosecutions may be commenced (hence the use of the well-word term “at the suit of” or “ats”) not only by the AG but, importantly, also by persons the AG legally authorises to do so.

Thus even within the overarching constitutional context and condition of the AG having ultimate responsibility for prosecutions, there is room for prosecutions to be commenced and conducted, not at the suit of the AG, but at the suit of other persons legally authorised by the AG to do so. It is, therefore, important to consider about four current legal provisions that relate to persons other than the AG who are currently authorised by law to conduct prosecutions and the scope of the exercise of the AG’s prosecutorial responsibility, and it is to these that I now turn.

Public Prosecutors

The first is section 56 of the Criminal and Other Offences (Procedure) Act, 1960 (Act 30), which empowers the AG to issue Executive Instruments appointing two classes of persons as public prosecutors: (i) public officers, or (ii) lawyers. While the appointment of public officers as public prosecutors might be general, or for a specific class of crimes or area, the appointment of lawyers (and I presume that this applies only to lawyers in private practice) is restricted to “a particular criminal cause or matter.” The section also recognises the power of the AG to “give express directions in writing” to such persons.

Thus although the AG could appoint a lawyer (and arguably the proposed Special Prosecutor) to conduct public prosecutions under this provision, there are two key drawbacks, namely (i) it cannot be a general appointment, but operate only on a case-by-case basis, and (ii) the AG retains the express power to issue written directions to such a person.

These drawbacks could or would defeat the critical “independence” requirement. This will not work.

Law Officers

The second, relevant provision is section 1 of the Law Officers Act, 1974 (NRCD 279), which permits three categories of people to “perform any of the functions vested by an enactment in the Attorney-General.” These are: (i) State Attorneys (and ranks above that) of the AG’s Department, (ii) public prosecutors appointed under section 56 of Act 30, and (iii) “any other public officer if so authorised by the Attorney-General.” In this provision as well, the persons mentioned are made expressly “subject to the directions of the Attorney-General,” and those directions are even made confidential so that “evidence shall not be required to be produced that a direction has been given by the Attorney-General in regard to a matter.”

A Special Prosecutor could be appointed under the third category mentioned above. But this also has two significant drawbacks, namely (i) the provision appears to anticipate that person being a public officer first, before being authorised by the AG to prosecute crime, and (ii) the express mention of directions by the AG could or would water down the critical “independence” quality that the proposed office would require. This will also not work.

Political Control

Third, Article 297(a) of the Constitution gives to any person with the power to appoint another person to a public officer, the implied power “to exercise disciplinary control over persons holding or acting in any such office and to remove those persons from office.” Thus where the AG appoints prosecutors under the current legal regime, (s)he may purport to discipline them and even remove them from office. While this power may be necessary so that person so appointed does not “tear chain” (to use a normal parlance), it could or would become a source of political control over the activities of the appointee by the appointor, and raise questions about true independence.

Nolle Prosequi

Fourth, and supremely relevant, is the AG’s power of NOLLE PROSEQUI – the enormous, discretionary power to file a formal entry in criminal proceedings, declaring that the “proceedings shall not continue” on some of the counts or some of the accused persons, or altogether. In Ghana, this power to halt trials is specifically provided for by section 54 of Act 30, which adds that the AG may exercise this power “at any stage” of a criminal case. In Republic v. Abrokwah [1989-90] 1 GLR 385, Abakah J said at page 389 that

“the expression ‘nolle prosequi’ means to be unwilling to prosecute. It is the State itself through the Attorney-General expressing unwillingness to prosecute the case.”

His Lordship stated at page 387 of the report that

“It is common knowledge that the power of the Attorney-General to enter a ‘nolle prosequi’ at any stage of a trial before judgment or verdict cannot be questioned upon any basis other than political.” He added, rather controversially, that “the point to appreciate is that whether the Attorney-General exercises this power after having had regard to the circumstances of a case or not or whether the Attorney-General exercises this power properly or improperly is not a matter for judicial inquiry or review. It is a matter for the political powers that be, for the act of the Attorney-General in this respect is supposed to be the act of the State itself.”

I use the words “rather controversially” because I do not believe that the power of NOLLE PROSEQUI can any longer be said not to be subject to judicial review under our current constitutional dispensation. This is because of the Article 296 standards that are imposed upon the exercise of all statutory or constitutional discretionary powers.

Surely, if an AG issues a NOLLE PROSEQUI in circumstances that breach the Article 296 standards (to wit., not fair, not candid or in breach of due process, or is arbitrary, capricious or biased) that exercise of discretion would be subject to judicial review under Article 295(8). Be that as it may, the power of the AG to literally jump into a prosecution and halt it could and would be a major fetter to the ability of the proposed Special Prosecutor to operate independently under the current legal regime.

‘Formal’ versus ‘Substantial’ Independence

It is for the above reasons that, absent a formal constitutional amendment, a new statutory regime may be required to achieve what is contained in the NPP Manifesto. The key question should be “how truly independent could or would this prosecutor be?’ At this time, under Article 88(3), the occupant of that office would remain accountable and answerable to the AG, at least on paper.

The Constitution does not appear to me to anticipate a prosecutorial office with ‘formal independence,’ i.e. being inherently, completely autonomous, separate from and unconnected with the AG. The AG retains the ultimate responsibility for prosecutions, which responsibility would apply, arguably to a Special Prosecutor appointed under any statute.

The Constitution does not appear to anticipate or permit full autonomy of criminal prosecutions from the Executive, yet. However, I believe that ‘substantial independence’ involving the office and appointed person being impartial, neutral or unbiased is possible and constitutional. It is even perfectly within the power of the AG to scale back on the power to issue directions to the office or person. This would be a political position supported by Article 297(b), which provides that conferred powers (such as the power conferred under Article 88(3) and (4)) may be exercised “from time to time, as occasion requires.” Thus it is within the power of the AG, to decide that (s)he will not exercise (or would sparingly exercise) any overbearing, direct or even day-to-day control over the work of the prosecutor unless there is sufficient reason, cause or justification. I even believe that the AG could provide the circumstances under which any form of control would be exercised over the proposed office.

It is, therefore, my respectful view that we miss the point if we focus only on the ‘formal independence’ hurdle without considering the ‘substantial independence’ leeway and flexibility that could make this proposal workable.

Conclusions

To conclude, my respectful position is that although the desired and desirable complete independence may not be automatic under the current provisions of the Constitution, what we require now is the strong political will that allows the office holder sufficient liberty to work with little to no political or other interference.

The office should function with sufficient latitude to operate and prosecute even members of the current government if they fall foul of the law. The success or otherwise of this project or experiment would go a long way to inform and influence the age-old and on-going debate (probably started in 1968 by the Akufo-Addo Constitutional Commission and definitely continued by the 1978 Mensah Constitutional Commission) on whether to separate the office of the Attorney-General from that of the Minister of Justice, or whether to create an independent office of a Prosecutor-General, or whether what is really required is to grant the Attorney-General himself or herself, independence from the Executive and the President in the exercise of all prosecutorial powers.

It is my personal and firm belief that we should amend the Constitution and take away the criminal prosecution function of the AG’s office, and vest it in a separate, independent office of a Prosecutor-General. Until we achieve that, I certainly welcome the establishment of the office of “Special Prosecutor” with a specific mandate to work with the police and other statutory investigatory agencies such as EOCO and prosecute public sector corruption and crimes committed under our procurement laws. All prosecutions would, of course, be in the name of the Republic, but at the suit of the Special Prosecutor, in accordance with Article 88(4).

(Speech delivered to a durbar of the chiefs and people of Biriwa at the 2018 Okyir Festival, 20th October 2018)

Salutations:

There is a popular Chinese saying:

“If you want 1 year of prosperity, grow grain. If you want 10 years of prosperity, grow trees. If you want 100 years of prosperity, grow people.”

Education is often simply defined as “the process of receiving or giving systematic instruction, especially at a school.”

But the Fante word for education is deeper. It is “adzesua,” which is composed of two words: adze (something) and sua (learning). Every human being created by God can learn. We learn every day from the things around us, our environment, our circumstances, etc. But “what” we learn is the question. What are we learning? It is what we learn that determines who or what we become and how relevant we are to ourselves, our community and our nation.

The good news for the Ghanaian is that the Constitution provides for free education. The basic education was made mandatorily free right from the beginning. Secondary and tertiary education were to be made “progressively free,” i.e. depending on the ability of the government to make it free. It took us almost 25 years to provide free secondary education, but we finally achieved it. Mr. Government we are grateful.

But, Mr. Government, if you thought we were going to thank you and wait for another quarter of a century to demand more, then you have made a huge mistake. We know that you are struggling with Free SHS. The cost of it is stupendous. And now you are forced to Double Track, so that today we have Mfantsipim Green and Mfantsipim Gold. When I went to school Mfantsipim was simply Red and Black. But that’s ok. But we like it. We like the fact that you are struggling to do something for the Ghanaian. And so just before you begin to be satisfied that you have done something for us, I would want to take your mind to the line in the Methodist Hymn titled “What Shall I render?” which says “I take the gifts He has bestowed and humbly ask for more.”

And as is said in common parlance, “Oliver Twist asked for more.”

And so we must begin to say to Government, you have given us the free secondary education that the Constitution asked for. But we need MORE: When are you going to grow and improve the quality of that education? Do we have to another 25 years? We have not even started thinking about free tertiary education. But we will get there.

It is said that the world is a ‘global village.’ We don’t live on an island, surrounded only by water. Even if we did, we are still not alone. The rise and expansion of communication and the internet means that whether we like it or not, whether we realise and acknowledge it or not, we are competing with the rest of the world. Any job that our governments or companies working in Ghana hire and pay non-Ghanaians for, is a job lost to a Ghanaian. And so we are competing and being whipped at the competition even without knowing that we are competing.

When we have to choose schools for our children we tend to look at the schools mummy and daddy went to and feel proud that our children are going to the same schools. Is that all? We still argue and debate ourselves on the schools we attended, when those schools have not advanced one bit, since we left there. If you child goes back to your former school 10 or 20 years since you left that school, you should not be proud in showing him or her how things have remained the same. It means the school has failed to change and improve.

The time when we raised our children to become “local champions” should be over. You are either raising your child to “get a job” or to “run the world.” They are competing with children in other countries who have been learning computer coding since they were three years old. In the world today, you are either at the table or you are on the menu.

That is why an education system that terminated at JHS simply because the parents could not afford to pay the SHS fees, was not just backward: it was criminal. Every year, we literally thrust out there, thousands of brilliant young children simply because their parents could not afford to pay. We think that they will become our drivers, etc. But today, several cars are computerized. In fact, now there are driver-less cars. We must grow our people.

I have argued that every Ghanaian child deserved the opportunity to have Free SHS, whatever the quality of that education is. I vehemently disagreed with those who said we should wait to improve the standards of education before we made it free. But that is no excuse to slip on ensuring that the quality that is being given to us for free is cheap.

Goal 4 of the United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals focuses completely on Education. Under it, Education must ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning.

Whether we accept it or not, we are still implementing in substance the Guggisberg-inspired education system and structure (based on his 16 Principles of Education which became the basis of the 1925 Education Ordinance). Even then, he had argued that literacy alone was inadequate. He said his reforms would include character building, thrift and temperance. He said: “Education is the keystone of progress: mix the materials badly, omit the most important, and the arch will collapse: omit character-training from education and progress will stop.”

This was in 1925. Yet in its implementation, the education system just to equipped us with just enough to become civil servants in His/Her Majesty’s civil service. The fact that we are struggling to break out of the shackles of the well-intentioned by completely archaic Guggisberg-inspired education systems should be a matter of shame to us. The numeracy and literacy that Guggisberg inspired, alone are not enough. We must demand in our schools, modern, quality education, designed to help all children reach their full potential and enter society as full and productive citizens.

In February 2016, the Washington DC area Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development (ASCD) and Brussels-based Education International (EI), released a joint statement in support of the SDGs and the pursuit of quality education for all. In that statement they defined quality education in the following terms:

“…one that focuses on the whole child – the social, emotional, mental, physical, and cognitive development of each student regardless of gender, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, or geographic location. It prepares the child for life, not just for testing.“

And so the right to education guaranteed by the Constitution cannot be only the right to access education (which Free SHS gives) but the right to receive education of good quality. For education to be whole, it must be (i) Available, (ii) Accessible, (iii) Acceptable and (iv) Adaptable.

Until we achieve these 4 A’s we have to accept that we have not attained the goal of quality education.

I went to Mfantsipim School which has the motto “Dwin Hwɛ Kan.” This deep Fante has been loosely translated into English as “Think and Look Ahead.” But that does not cut it. That Fante statement is too deep to have an exact English equivalent. The Fante states that the faculty that is used to think (the brain) can in and of itself also see (has eyes.) That complete mental faculty can ascertain what is useless, backward or sideways, and reject them. That complete mental faculty can also see what’s ahead and forwards and reach out for it. Clearly, those eyes are not what everyone can see buried in our heads, and that with which you see and look at things. Thus your brain is incomplete if it cannot do all of these things at the same time and in one fell swoop. I suggest that every brain has that ability, but it is quality education that will bring it out and shape and sharpen it for full effect. “Adezua papa na ᴐma ye tum Dwin Hwɛ Kan.”

Our schools have to help our children to Dwin Hwɛ Kan. God gifted us with that ability captured in the Fante phrase. Our education must be geared towards liberating that ability to Dwin Hwɛ Kan, and thereby liberate us from the things that have held us back and down. It must liberate us from still being tied to the shackles of colonialism and neo-colonialism, even when the former colonial master physically left our shores 6 decades ago. Without Dwin Hwɛ Kan we will only think, but only of ourselves and our immediate circumstances and completely fail, refuse or neglect to consider our future and plan for it. When people express the regret and say that they think we are worse off than when we were under the colonialists, I weep because it simply means we have failed to Dwin Hwɛ Kan, and instead “yɛ dwin hwɛ yɛn akyir.” That is why our youth would prefer to die crossing either the Sahara or the Mediterranean just to go to Europe than staying here. There is nothing for them. And it is not as if they are guaranteed a better life there. Several of them are among the poorest in those countries.

Something has to change; and quickly.

The fact that the prices of almost everything we produce for export is not determined by us, but by the persons who purchase it or markets that they have contrived, shows us that our literacy and numeracy education isn’t getting us where we ought to be. The fact that we do not have the ability to chart our own path, and for the most part must develop on the basis of handouts from others, shows that our literacy and numeracy education is holding us back. Numeracy and literacy alone won’t usher us into the century we are in. Ghana will never be beyond aid if we do not change the manner in which we train our youth.

“The future started yesterday and we are already late.” John Legend.

Ghana needs young men and women who are prepared to be bold and to try new things. It is only quality education, the liberating of that Dwin Hwɛ Kan spirit that can free us from where we are and transform us to where we have to be. That should be our botaepa!

“In the end we cannot become what we ought to be if we remain who we are.” Max De Pree.

Education was the best thing that my father James Kwabena Ankomah who came from Biriwa and was buried here in 1987 when I was about to enter university, gave to me. What he taught me in the 19 years that he was in my life, is what I will share with parents listening to me.

Parents, take a deep interest in what our children are doing in school. Ask them how school went that day. Ask them about what they learned. Maybe you could learn something too. But it gives you the opportunity to probably explain what was taught in the classroom with some home truths. It might be an experience you went through. It might be an aspect of your family’s history. But through that interaction, we teach our children not only to learn what is taught in the classroom but also how to apply it in their day to day lives. Your participation will bring to life, what they have learned in school. Let the teachers do what they can in school. Let’s make what they learn relevant in the home and in their day to day lives.

Encourage the children not to skip school. In my parents’ house, you had to be as sick as a dog to be allowed to skip school. Even then they will take you to the hospital and then to school that same day. It has never entered into my head not to attend school on any day because I did not feel like it or that I was tired. Thus even after my father had died, the same principles stayed and stuck with me as I went on to further studies at the universities I attended. There was no physical father to bark instructions at me; but I could feel him all around me, not physically, but in the things he had taught me.

It was like the lyrics of the song “He Lives in Me” in the epic Lion King. And so in those deep nights of doubts whether I could make it, he was my spirit of life; when I felt like giving up he was the voice of guidance. And with that I could answer with the voice, even if with the fear of a child that “There was no mountain too great.” I remembered his words and had faith. And so through the things he taught me he lived in me, into the water and into the truth, in my reflection he lived in me through his words.

If you are alive, this is your opportunity to help shape your child’s education. Don’t miss it. Don’t lose this opportunity.

School is tough, but teach them to still go to school. Set times for them to do their homework, just as you do with house work. Parents, let us play our role in helping the children to reach their full potential and enter society as full and productive citizens.

Students listening to me. If you remember nothing that I have said today, remember that I encouraged you to NEVER DROP OUT OF SCHOOL. When the learning gets tough still go to school. Tell yourself that learning will not defeat you and that you are bigger and tougher, and that you will learn the thing and overcome it and teach that thing that you are the master. If others have learnt it, surely, you can too.

School was not always easy for me. I passed some and failed some. But when I failed or was not as successful as I wanted to be, I resolved that I should be remembered and defined, not by my failures but by my successes. So when I failed (I knew I could have done better,) I went back and fought those battles again and won them.

My friend Foster Gordon is here. We were in Mfantsipim at the same time. He remembers that I played the guitar and that I topped my year at the A’Levels. That is all he remembers. He probably does not know that I almost flunked by O’Levels and that I arrived in Sixth Form not having properly passed my math and science. He doesn’t know that when I became Senior Scholar (“Sisco,” we were called at the time) and the K. A. Busia awardee, I still had to go back and write my math and science before I could enter the university.

If I had stopped when I almost failed, Foster would remember me today as the guy who came to school, failed and didn’t make anything with his life. Refuse to be defined by failure and difficult times. Reach deep within yourself and find the strength to carry on.

The singer Maria Carey sang:

“There’s a hero if you look inside your heart
You don’t have to be afraid of what you are
There’s an answer if you reach into your soul…”

She adds that

“It’s a long road when you face the world alone
No one reaches out a hand for you to hold
You can find love if you search within yourself…”

But then she sings

“And then a hero comes along with the strength to carry on
And you cast your fears aside and you know you can survive
So when you feel like hope is gone look inside you and be strong
And you’ll finally see the truth: THAT A HERO LIES IN YOU”

Biriwaman, the land of my father, it is only through quality education that we will rise and build our town. Let’s all put our hands to it, demand from government what is ours, and let’s arise and build through quality education.

I will be remiss if I end without acknowledging that we must do our best to build, but unless the Lord builds, they labour in vain who build. It is not of whom who wills or runs, but the Lord who shows mercy.

Nelson Mandela said that “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.”

Malcom X said that “Education is the passport to the future, for tomorrow belongs to those who prepare for it today.”

The philosopher Aristotle said that “the roots of education are bitter but its fruit is sweet.”

Our own Busumuru Kofi Annan, who was my father’s classmate at Mfantsipim, said that “Knowledge is power, information is liberating. Education is the premise of progress in every society, in every family.”

Former US First Lady Michelle Obama said “You have to stay in school, you have to. You have to go to college. You have to get your degree. Because the one thing that people cannot take away from you is your education. And it is worth the investment.”

And something my parents taught me: “Don’t sit and stare at the clock. Be like the clock. Keep moving.”

That you and God bless Ghana and Biriwaman and us all.

---

OCCUPYGHANA V. ATTORNEY-GENERAL
(Unrepoprted, Supreme Court, Writ No. J1/19/2016, 14th June 2017)

Coram: Akuffo, Adinyira, Dotse, Yeboah, Baffoe-Bonnie, Gbadegbe, Bennin JJSC

JUDGMENT (Dotse, JSC read the unanimous judgment of the Court):

Article 187(7)(b)(i), (ii) and (iii) of the Constitution 1992, provides as follows:-

In the performance of his functions under this Constitution or any other law the Auditor-General… (b) may disallow any item of expenditure which is contrary to law and
(i) surcharge the amount of any expenditure disallowed upon the person responsible for incurring or authorizing the expenditure; or
(ii) any sum which has not been duly brought into account, upon the person by whom the sum ought to have been brought into account;
or
(iii) the amount of any loss or deficiency, upon any person by whose negligence or misconduct the loss or deficiency has been incurred.

Based on the above constitutional provisions referred to supra, the Plaintiffs claim the following reliefs against the Defendants before this court:

(1) That upon a true and proper interpretation of Article 187(7)(b)(i) of the Constitution, the Auditor-General is bound to issue a disallowance or surcharge where there has been any item of expenditure on behalf of the Government that is contrary to law, so that the amount unlawfully expended is recovered from the person who was responsible for, or authorised, the expenditure disallowed.

(2) That upon a true and proper interpretation of Article 187(7)(b)(ii) of the Constitution, the Auditor-General is bound to issue a disallowance and surcharge where any person fails to bring any sum into the Government’s account, so that that amount is recovered from the person by whom the amount should have been brought into account.

(3) That upon a true and proper interpretation of Article 187(7)(b)(iii) of the Constitution, the Auditor-General is bound to issue a disallowance and surcharge where the Government suffers or incurs a loss or deficiency through the negligence or misconduct of any person, so that the value of the loss or deficiency is recovered from that person (whether or not a public servant).

(4) That the failure, refusal or neglect by the Auditor-General to ever issue any disallowances and surcharges in respect of (i) unlawful items of expenditure, (ii) amounts not brought into account, and (iii) losses and deficiencies incurred through negligence and misconduct, as set out in successive Reports of the Auditor-General issued since the coming into force of the Constitution, are violations by the Auditor-General of his/her obligations under the Constitution and

(5) That the Auditor-General be ordered to issue disallowances and surcharges to and in respect of all persons and entities found in successive Reports of the Auditor-General to have been responsible for or to have authorised unlawful items of expenditure, not bringing sums into account, or having caused loss or deficiency through negligence or misconduct, in accordance with Article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution.”

FACTS RELIED UPON BY PLAINTIFFS

The facts relied upon by the Plaintiffs who are a pressure and advocacy group, incorporated under the laws of Ghana can briefly be summarised as follows:-

That the Auditor-General pursuant to article 187(2) of the Constitution, has been given the constitutional responsibility to audit and issue a report therein in respect of the public accounts of Ghana and of all public offices which in this instance includes the courts, the central and local government administrations, of the Universities and public institutions of like nature, of any public corporation or other body or organisations established by an Act of Parliament.

The Plaintiffs further draw attention to article 187(5) of the Constitution which enjoins the Auditor-General to carry out the audit of the public accounts within 6 months of the preceding financial year and submit a report, and “shall in that report draw attention to any irregularities in the accounts audited and to any other matter which in his opinion ought to be brought to the notice of Parliament.”

In this respect, the Plaintiffs referred to sections 20(1) and (2) of the Audit Service Act, 2000 (Act 584) and section 2 thereof in particular which provides and states in material particulars what this report to Parliament by the Auditor-General is required to draw attention to in cases in which he has observed the following:-

(a) an officer or employee of Government has willfully or negligently omitted to collect or receive any public money due to the Government;
(b) any public money was not duly accounted for and paid into the Consolidated Fund or other designated public account;
(c) an appropriation was exceeded or was applied for a purpose or in a manner not authorized by law;
(d) an expenditure was not authorized or properly vouched for or certified;
(e) there has been a deficiency through fraud, default or mistake of any person;
(f) applicable internal control and management measures are inefficient or ineffective;
(g) the use or custody of property, money, stamps, securities, equipment, stores, trust money, trust property or other assets has accrued in a manner detrimental to the state;
(h) resources have not been used with due regard to economy, efficiency and effectiveness in relation to the results attained;
(i) in the public interest, the matter should be brought to the notice of Parliament.

It has to be noted that, the above provisions of the Audit Service Act, have taken their authority from Article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution already referred to supra, which empowers the Auditor-General to disallow any item of expenditure which is contrary to law, and having done so to:

(i) surcharge the amount of any expenditure so disallowed upon the person responsible for incurring or authorizing the expenditure, or
(ii) direct that, any sum which has not been duly brought into account, be brought into account upon the person by whom the sum ought to have been brought into account, or
(iii) direct that the amount of any loss or deficiency, be brought upon any person by whose negligence or misconduct the loss or deficiency has been incurred.

In other words, the person by whose conduct of negligence or misconduct the loss or deficiency occurred must be held liable.

The Plaintiffs further asseverate that since the inception of the 4th Republican Constitution on 7th January 1993, the Auditor-General has failed, neglected and or refused to carry out his mandate in fulfillment of the constitutional obligations referred to supra, which would have entitled him to retrieve the amounts, losses and or deficiencies from the offending persons for the benefit of the good people of the Republic of Ghana. This conduct of the Auditor-General according to the Plaintiffs is a violation of his constitutional mandate and obligations under Article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution.

In pursuance of their resolve to ensure that the Auditor-General complies with the above constitutional obligations referred to supra, the Plaintiffs on 12th November 2014 addressed a letter exhibited to these proceedings as Exhibit OG3 entitled “Request for the Exercise of Auditor-General’s Powers of Disallowance and Surcharge, and Notice of Action.”

In that letter, the Plaintiffs state in part as follows:-

We have studied the Auditor-General’s Audit Reports to Parliament for the eleven (11) years between the year ended 31st December 2002 and the year ended 31st December 2012. In that period, the Auditor-General has identified a wide range of stolen and/or misappropriated funds which are due to the public purse. Nevertheless, and quite without explanation, although the Auditor-General is known to have made “recommendations”, OccupyGhana and most Ghanaians are not aware of a single instance in which a Disallowance and Surcharge has been made by the Auditor-General or any of his offices.

The Plaintiffs then requested the Auditor-General to either comply with the constitutional obligations therein stated or face a legal challenge after the expiration of 30 days from the date of the letter.

The Auditor-General responded to the said letter on 9th December, 2014 and attached written comments therein, and this is marked as Exhibit OG4 in these proceedings.

We deem it appropriate at this stage to quote in extenso the relevant portions of this Exhibit OG4 as follows:-

14. On the matter of procedural precedence under the laws of Ghana, there is an issue of timing of the exercise of discretionary power given to the Auditor-General under Article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution. Article 187(5) of the Constitution requires the Auditor-General to send this report on all irregularities (disallowance items included) to Parliament for consideration. Under section 23 of the Audit Service Act, the reports of the Auditor-General become public documents as soon as they have been presented to the Speaker to be laid before Parliament.
15. The question is, should the Auditor-General exercise his discretionary power of surcharge and start to disclose his findings through the courts for public consumption before submitting his report to Parliament or after submission to Parliament.

It would appear that, the Auditor-General clearly perceives this power of disallowance and surcharge granted him under Article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution as discretionary and this therefore meant he is not bound to apply or enforce those provisions.

In conclusion, the Auditor-General reiterated the fact that his office has since July 2013 collaborated with the office of the Attorney-General through the formation of a joint committee to enquire into cases cited in the Auditor-General’s reports spanning 2006-2011.

According to the Auditor-General as per the response in OG4 which we again refer to in extenso, “the mandate of the Committee was to review all cases in the Auditor-General’s report covering this period for further action. The result of the Committee’s work after several sittings since 2013 indicate that about 85% of the cases in the Auditor-General’s Report for the period covered, only required administrative actions by the institutions concerned because they derive from non-compliance with applicable laws, policies and procedure”

Feeling dissatisfied with the above explanations, the Plaintiffs instituted the instant action against the Attorney-General who is the nominal Defendant for and on behalf of the Auditor-General.

We must commend legal counsel for the Parties for well prepared statements of case in which they argued inter alia the following:-

(1) Whether the original jurisdiction of the court was properly invoked
(2) The powers and constitutional obligations of the Auditor-General of disallowance and surcharge under article 187 (7) of the Constitution.
(3) The Auditor-General’s narrow interpretation of his obligations under the said articles referred to supra which the Plaintiff’s consider as wrong, and
(4) The closing arguments of the Plaintiffs and Defendants in their statement of case.

CLOSING ARGUMENTS OF PLAINTIFF

The Plaintiffs concluded their arguments in the statement of case as follows:-

Your Lordships, we have attempted in these submissions to answer the further issues set out joint (sic) by the parties. We will have humbly contended that the Auditor-General does not fully meet his obligations under Article 187(7)(b) when he conducts audits and prepares reports that show financial irregularities. Those constitutional obligations to disallow and surcharge are only discharged when, upon discovering financial irregularities, the Auditor-General takes (sic) follows the deliberate statutory steps to disallow them and then surcharge the persons responsible for causing them with any amounts lost to the State. We have also respectfully argued that the Auditor-General’s obligations do not even terminate when he issues a certificate of the Disallowances and Surcharges. The law has created a bifurcated enforcement responsibility, first on the public entity with respect to which the irregularity occurred to receive payment within 60 days. When the amount surcharged is not paid, the head of that public entity has to institute civil action to recover same. However, if the person surcharged files an appeal against the Disallowance and Surcharge, the Auditor-General is made the statutory respondent to that appeal. However, even this bifurcated enforcement responsibility cannot commence or arise unless and until the Auditor-General has first performed his Disallowance and Surcharge obligations.

THE DEFENDANTS CASE

The Defendants on their part contended through learned Solicitor-General, Mrs. Helen Ziwu that the Auditor-General has not failed to carry out the constitutional mandate he bears by virtue of Article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution as is contended by the Plaintiffs. The Defendants further argued that the powers of discharge and disallowance vested in the Auditor-General are set out in section 17 of the Audit Service Act, 2000 (Act 584). We therefore deem it appropriate at this stage to set out in detail the provisions of this section 17 of Act 584.

17. Disallowance and surcharge by Auditor-General
(1) The Auditor-General shall specify to the appropriate head of department or institution the amount due from a person on whom a surcharge or disallowance has been made and the reasons for the surcharge or disallowance.
(2) A sum of money specified by the Auditor-General to be due from a person shall be paid by that person to the department or institution within sixty days after it has been so specified.
(3) A person aggrieved by a disallowance or surcharge made by the Auditor-General may appeal to the High Court not later than the expiration of sixty days prescribed in subsection (2).
(4) In accordance with article 187(10), the Rules of Court Committee may, by constitutional instrument, make Rules of Court for the purposes of subsection (3) of this section.
(5) A sum of money which is lawfully due under this section is recoverable, on civil proceedings taken by the head of department in a Court as a civil debt and where the person surcharged is in receipt of remuneration from the Government or an institution, the remuneration shall be attached to the extent of the sum lawfully due.

In other words the roadmap which the Auditor-General is expected to follow whenever he exercises his powers of surcharge or disallowance pursuant to Article 187(7)(b) and section 17 of Act 584 supra are the following:-

(i) The Auditor-General shall indicate to the appropriate head of department or institution the amount due from the person on whom the surcharge or disallowance has been raised and the reasons for it.
(ii) The sum of money indicated by the Auditor-General to be due from a person shall be paid by that person to the department or institution within 60 days after it has been indicated
(iii) An aggrieved person has 60 days from the date of the indication in subsection 2 supra to appeal against the discharge or surcharge made by the Auditor-General.
(iv) The Rules of Court Committee have been mandated under Article 187(10) of the Constitution to make Rules of Court for the actualization of subsection 3 of section 17 of Act 584.
(v) Any sum of money due under this section 17 is recoverable, by civil proceedings taken by the head of department in a court as a civil debt and where the person surcharged is on Government payroll, his salary or entitlements shall be attached to the extent of the sums lawfully due.

The above road map indicates quite clearly that the powers of the Auditor-General in respect of this Surcharge and Disallowance are really extensive and are intended to ensure that any monies that are lost through any of the processes mentioned in Article 187(7)(b)(i), (ii) and (iii) are recovered to the state.

CLOSING ARGUMENTS OF DEFENDANTS

The Defendants summarised their closing arguments very briefly as follows and we wish to quote them accordingly thus:

My Lords, we respectfully submit, in conclusion that the Auditor General’s obligations end when he carries out his statutory mandate as set out in section 17(1) of Act 584 and section 84 of Act 921 and in this regard, it is respectfully contended on behalf of the Defendants that the Auditor-General has from the inception of the 1992 Constitution carried out his statutory mandate of disallowance and surcharge.

DEFENDANTS RAISE JURISDICTIONAL ISSUE

The Defendants raised a jurisdictional point against the Plaintiffs writ thus:

The Plaintiff has not made out a proper case which will require this honourable court to make any declarations within the meaning of Article 2(1)(b) of the 1992 Constitution, and it is respectfully urged on this court to dismiss this action.

MEMORANDUM OF ISSUES

At the close of pleadings, the following issues were set down in the joint memorandum of issues agreed upon by the parties:

(1) Whether or not the Auditor-General fully discharges his constitutional obligation simply by auditing and pointing out financial irregularities in the accounts of a public entity.
(2) Whether or not the Auditor-General has an obligation to ensure that his powers of disallowance and surcharge duly exercised are complied with by the public entity or official directly affected by the Auditor-General’s exercise of his power of disallowance and discharge.

After the setting down of the above issues, this court by an order dated 31st January 2017 requested the parties and/or their counsel to file legal arguments in respect of the said two issues.

We observe that the parties have complied with the said orders.

On the 7th of March 2017 this court again directed that further arguments of law be filed by the parties and or counsel in respect of the issue of whether the Plaintiffs have properly invoked this court’s jurisdiction.

We observe that, this order has been complied with only by learned Counsel for the Plaintiffs, Thaddeus Sory. We will therefore proceed to deal with these issues, and since jurisdiction is primary, we will deal with that first.

HAVE THE PLAINTIFFS PROPERLY INVOKED THE ORIGINAL JURISDICTION OF THE COURT?

It is to be noted that Articles 2(1)(a) and (b) and 130 of the Constitution deals with the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court. Thus the Plaintiffs action in the instant case must be measured in terms of the said provisions of the Constitution.

Out of abundance of caution, these provisions provide as follows:-

2. (1) A person who alleges that
(a) an enactment or anything contained in or done under the authority of that or any other enactment; or
(b) any act or omission of any person
is inconsistent with, or is in contravention of a provision of this Constitution, may bring an action in the Supreme Court for a declaration to that effect.

130. (1) Subject to the jurisdiction of the High Court in the enforcement of the Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms as provided in article 33 of this Constitution, the Supreme Court shall have exclusive original jurisdiction in
(a) all matters relating to the enforcement or interpretation of this Constitution; and
(b) all matters arising as to whether an enactment was made in excess of the powers conferred on Parliament or any other authority or person by law or under this Constitution.

In their closing arguments, learned counsel for the Defendants submitted that the Plaintiffs have not made a proper case to require this court exercise it’s jurisdiction in their favour, and urged the Court to dismiss the action.

Predictably, the Plaintiffs anticipated this type of jurisdictional objection and stated as follows in their original statement of case:-

From the facts so far recounted, the Plaintiff’s case falls squarely within the first ambit of the court’s original jurisdiction as classified by the court in the Edusei Case [1998-99] SCGLR 753 at pages 771-772.

What then are the principles in Edusei (No. 2) v Attorney-General referred to supra?

In that case, it was noted by Kpegah JSC that “in determining the scope or extent of this court’s original jurisdiction,” we must read together articles 2 (1) and 130 (1) of the Constitution. And in reading the two articles together, “the courts exclusive original jurisdiction can be said to be in respect of the following situations:
(1) enforcement of all provisions of the Constitution, except those provisions contained in Chapter 5 dealing with Fundamental Human Rights, or
(2) the interpretation of any provision of the Constitution; or
(3) an issue whether an enactment is inconsistent with any provision of the Constitution.”

The Plaintiffs have also filed a response in compliance with this court’s order dated 7th March 2017, on this jurisdictional issue.

The facts of the instant case, which have been extensively stated, fall into categories (i) and (ii) supra. This is because the Plaintiff’s are indeed asking this court to interprete Article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution in a certain direction such that when enforced it will have the desired results that they wish. But the Defendants contend otherwise. Meaning there are rival contentions.

In clear terms, the Plaintiffs are indeed requesting of this court to interprete the mandate given to the Auditor-General in the discharge of his constitutional duties or obligations. Thus, if this court accedes to that request and interpretation, then it will have to follow it with enforcement which will then lead to the Auditor-General issuing a disallowance and surcharge in all the three scenarios mentioned in Articles 187(7)(b)(i), (ii) and (iii) respectively of the Constitution.

We also observe that, the Plaintiffs, anchored their reliefs basically on the constitutional provisions and where necessary provided flesh by reference to the Audit Service Act, 2000 (Act 584) and Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921). The Defendants on the other hand have relied basically on the said statutory provisions and argued that this court has no jurisdiction.

We have on our part, considered in detail, the facts of this case which admit of no controversies whatsoever.

We have also considered the law and a plethora of decided cases on the subject, such as the following:-

(1) Republic v Special Tribunal, Ex-parte Akosah [1980] GLR 592 which is the locus classicus on the subject-matter
(2) National Media Commission v Attorney-General [2000] SCGLR 1
(3) Aduamoa II v Twum [2000] SCGLR 165
(4) Tuffuor v Attorney-General [1980] GLR 637 SC
(5) Bimpong Buta v General Legal Council [2003-2004] SCGLR 1200
(6) Republic v High Court (Fast Track Division) Ex-parte CHRAJ, (Richard Anane: Interested party) [2007-2008] SCGLR 213
(7) Osei Boateng v National Media Commission [2012] 2 SCGLR 1038, just to mention a few.

We deem it necessary to refer to the observation by our respected Sister, Adinyira JSC in the case of Okudzeto Ablakwa & Another v Attorney-General & Obetsebi Lamptey [2011] 2 SCGLR 986 wherein she stated as follows:-

Article 2(1) of the 1992 Constitution imposes on the Supreme Court the duty to measure the actions of both the legislature and the executive against the provision of the Constitution. This includes the duty to ensure that no public officer conduct himself in such a manner as to be in clear breach of the provisions of the Constitution. It is by actions of this nature that gives reality to enforcing the constitution by compelling its observance and ensuring probity, accountability and good governance.”

The matter was recently put to rest by the unanimous decision of the Supreme Court in the unreported judgment of the Court in Emmanuel Noble Kor v Attorney-General and Another, Suit No. JI/16/2015 dated 10th March 2016 in which it was made explicitly clear as follows:-

It will be seen that article 2 of the Constitution is headed ‘Enforcement of the Constitution’ and the ensuing provisions are meant to attain the enforcement of the Constitution. There is therefore express authority in the Constitution itself for the view that the enforcement jurisdiction of this court is a conspicuously independent item of jurisdiction of this court. Indeed, though it will be erroneous to say that a declaratory action cannot be brought within article 2 towards the enforcement of an ambiguous provision of the Constitution, it appears that while the enforcement purpose of that article is clear on the face of its provisions, its interpretative purpose is comparatively latent.

Based on the above decisions and the principles of law decided therein, we have no doubts whatsoever in our minds that the plaintiffs have properly invoked the original jurisdiction of this court, and this court must therefore give them a hearing in line with the principles of law stated therein.

The objection on grounds of jurisdiction is thus dismissed.

This then requires us to consider the two issues set out in the memorandum of issues.

WHETHER OR NOT THE AUDITOR-GENERAL FULLY DISCHARGES HIS CONSTITUTIONAL OBLIGATION SIMPLY BY AUDITING AND POINTING OUT FINANCIAL IRREGULARITIES IN THE ACCOUNTS OF A PUBLIC ENTITY

The Constitutional and Statutory mandate of the Auditor-General in respect of the public accounts of Ghana as defined in article 187(2) of the Constitution are well stated not only in the Constitution, but also in the Audit Service Act, 2000 (Act 584) and the Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921) respectively.

For example, the constitutional obligations of the Auditor-General include the following:-

(1) to audit and report on the public accounts of Ghana and of all public offices. – Article 187(2)
(2) to within six months after the end of the financial year prepare a report of his audit and lay same before Parliament drawing attention to any irregularities in the accounts audited and to any other matter which in his opinion ought to be brought to the notice of Parliament reference. – Article 187(5).
(3) to audit any public office upon the request of the President acting with the advice of the council of State reference. – Article 187(8).
(4) to exercise his Disallowance and Surcharge obligations in respect of irregularities he discovers in the performance of his functions under the Constitution or any other law. – Article 187(7)(b).

It is to be noted that, these constitutional obligations even though exist separately, some can only be triggered by the performance of others. For example the Auditor-General must conduct an audit into the public accounts of Ghana before he can prepare a report to Parliament. Similarly, there must also be an audit by the Auditor-General into the public accounts before there can be any Disallowance and or Surcharge.

However, it is possible for the Auditor-General to perform the audit into the public accounts of Ghana, prepare a report and lay same before Parliament without any irregularities detected. But it is not automatic that there must be a Disallowance and Surcharge arising from every such report. These are only triggered when the report discloses irregularities in the public accounts audited.

Thus, the constitutional obligation in Article 187(7) on the Auditor-General to exercise his mandate of Disallowance and Surcharge in the manner stated are only invoked against those persons responsible for incurring the liabilities which have led to the occurrence of the events listed in Articles 187(7)(b)(i), (ii) and (iii) supra of the constitution.

Furthermore, if we consider the statutory interventions in Acts 584 and 921, then it becomes very clear that the Auditor-General’s constitutional mandate in auditing the public accounts of Ghana far exceeds the task of auditing and pointing out the irregularities in the accounts of a public entity.

When one considers in detail, the effect of section 20(2) of Act 584 referred to, elsewhere in this rendition, then it becomes crystal clear that the Auditor-General, quite apart from conducting an audit into the public accounts of Ghana and preparing a report for Parliament and drawing attention to irregularities, and the matters stated therein, must definitely trigger his powers of Disallowance and Surcharge obligations, whenever these irregularities exist.

We are therefore of the considered view that the statement by the learned Counsel for the Defendants that, section 17 of Act 584 only mandates the Auditor-General to issue management letters as indicated in exhibits AG1 to AG4 is untenable.

This is because, a careful reading of section 17 of Act 584 referred to supra, gives very clear indications that the provisions therein stated are to be procedural steps that the Auditor-General is mandated to pursue in his quest to fulfill the Discharge and Surcharge obligations imposed upon him under the Constitution.

What is worthy of note is that, the 4th Republican Constitution has been anchored on the principles of Freedom, Justice, Probity and Accountability and the recognition that the powers of government spring from the sovereign will of the people based on the concept of universal adult suffrage and rooted on the principle of Rule of Law, the protection and preservation of fundamental human rights among others as stated in the preamble to the Constitution.

When we juxtapose these principles against the powers of the Auditor-General in Article 187(7)(b) and Acts 584 and 921 respectively, it becomes very clear that adequate measures have been put in place to afford any person against whom the Attorney-General has exercised his powers of surcharge and disallowance to avail himself of the due processes in the High Court to vindicate himself, whilst at the same time ensuring that the public accounts of the state are duly protected.

That fundamental right in section 17(3)p of Act 584 which enables an aggrieved person against whom a Disallowance and Surcharge had been made by the Auditor-General to within 60 days appeal to the High Court is in itself a recognition of the fact that, failure by an aggrieved person to take those steps can lead to the disallowance and surcharge being enforced without more. This enforcement can lead to the attainment of the principles of probity and accountability enshrined in the Constitution.

We are further emboldened by the views we have expressed in this judgment when we refer to the views of the then Auditor-General in Exhibit OG2, attached to these proceedings which are the proposals of the Auditor-General for amendment of the Constitutional provisions of the office of the Auditor-General.

For example on page 16 of the proposals, under the heading Issues and Comments are the following:-

The provisions of Article 187(7)(a) & (b) should be maintained and enforced.

The independence of the Auditor-General from the direction or control of any person or authority is a key requirement under INTOSAI’s Auditing standards. The office of the Auditor-General has received adverse comments from Development Partners who have invested in the national budget and also from Parliament for not actively introducing measures to implement the provisions on surcharge and disallowance.

From the above, it is clear that the Auditor-General has recognized the need to maintain and enforce the provisions in Article 187(7)(a) & (b) supra and also implement and enforce the provisions on surcharge and disallowance.

There is also a tacit recognition by the Auditor-General that the provisions on disallowance and surcharge must be maintained. The problem if any is the erroneous impression in the mind of the then Auditor-General that the said powers are discretionary in nature and that perhaps that he needed more legislation to carry out this disallowance and surcharge mandate. If this be it, then it is untenable.

The memorandum to the Interpretation Act, 2009 (Act 792) states in part as follows:-

In essence the Constitution must be construed or interpreted in a manner
(a) that promotes the rule of law and the values of good governance,
(b) that advances human rights and fundamental freedoms
that permits the creative development of the provisions of the Constitution and the Laws of Ghana, and
(c) that avoids technicalities which defeat the purpose of the Constitution and of the ordinary law of the land.

The Chambers, 21st Century Dictionary, Revised Edition, defines “disallow” on page 379 as follows:-

verb – to formally refuse to allow or accept something (2) to judge something to be invalid – disallowance – noun.

The same dictionary on page 142 defines “surcharge” as follows:-

an extra charge, often as a penalty for late payment of a bill.

When we consider the meanings ascribed to these words in the context in which they have been used in article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution then there seems to be no doubt whatsoever that, what the words actually mean is that, the Auditor-General will formally refuse to accept or allow any item of expenditure that is contrary to law etc.

Having refused to accept or allow the expenditure as being contrary to law, the Auditor-General now proceeds to impose an extra charge as penalty for the retrieval of the amount or expenditure that he has refused to allow or accept, because it was contrary to law.

Furthermore, Article 34(1) which deals with the Directive Principles of State Policy provide thus:-

The Directive Principles of State Policy contained in this chapter, shall guide all citizens, Parliament, the President, the Judiciary the Council of State, the Cabinet, political parties and other bodies and persons in applying or interpreting this Constitution or any other law and in taking or implementing any policy decisions, for the establishment of a just and free society.

The above provisions are a clear injunction on the Judiciary to bear the above in mind when interpreting the Constitution. There is thus no room for us as a Judiciary to be pedantic in dealing with issues of constitutional interpretation. This is especially so when in Article 37(1) of the Constitution, (which also includes the provisions on the Directive Principles of State Policy). It is directed that, “the state shall endeavour to secure and protect a social order founded on the ideals and principles of freedom, equality, justice, probity and accountability as enshrined in chapter 5 of this Constitution.”

All constitutional interpretations must therefore bear the above provisions in mind. This is especially so when we consider provisions requiring compliance with upholding of the tenets of probity and accountability vis-à-vis the work of the Auditor-General in protecting the public purse for the public good.

On the basis of the above, the nature of the Constitution as the basic law of the land and therefore requiring pride of place has been recognized in Article 11(1) of the Constitution.

At this stage, it is useful to refer and remind ourselves of the fact that the Constitution itself in Article 11(1)(a) has given pride of place to the Constitution as the Grundnorm, that is to say it is at the apex, of the laws of Ghana. This therefore means that the constitutional provisions in Article 187(7)(b) take precedence over any other laws, and must therefore be regarded in that position.

In our opinion therefore, the mandate of the Auditor-General in exercising his constitutional obligations in Article 187(7) of the Constitution does not end simply by the performance of same and issuing a report on the irregularities in the accounts of a public entity, but goes beyond it to include the powers of Disallowance and Surcharge which we will consider next.

WHETHER OR NOT THE AUDITOR-GENERAL HAS AN OBLIGATION TO ENSURE THAT HIS POWERS OF DISALLOWANCE AND SURCHARGE DULY EXERCISED ARE COMPLIED WITH BY PUBLIC ENTITY OR OFFICIALS DIRECTLY AFFECTED BY THE AUDITOR-GENERAL’S EXERCISE OF HIS POWER OF DISALLOWANCE AND DISCHARGE

We have been persuaded by the submissions of both learned counsel for the parties herein that, apart from the constitutional provisions in Article 187(7)(b) supra, which is applicable to the circumstances of this case, the other relevant statutes are sections 17(1) of Act 584 supra and sections 85(1) and 88(1) respectively of the Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921) which provides as follows:-

85. (1) A Principal Spending Officer shall, on an annual basis, submit the following to the Minister and Auditor-General:
(a) a report on the status of implementation of recommendations made by the Auditor-General in respect of that covered entity; and
(b) a report on the status of implementation of recommendations made by Parliament in respect of that covered entity.
(2) The Attorney-General shall, on an annual basis, submit a report on the status of any action commenced on behalf of the Government to the Minister, Auditor-General and Parliament following findings of the Auditor-General and recommendations of the Public Accounts Committee of Parliament.

88. (1) An Audit Committee shall ensure that the head of a covered entity, to which the Audit Committee relates,
(a) pursues the implementation of any recommendation contained in
(i) an internal audit report;
(ii) Parliament’s decision on the Auditor-General’s report;
(iii) Auditor-General’s Management Letter; and
(iv) the report of an internal monitoring unit in the covered entity concerned particularly, in relation to financial matters raised; and
(b) prepares an annual statement showing the status of implementation of any recommendation contained in
(i) an internal audit report;
(ii) Parliament’s decision on the Auditor-General’s report;
(iii) Auditor-General’s Management letter;
(iv) the report on financial matters raised in an internal monitoring unit of a covered entity; and
(v) any other related directive of Parliament.
(2) An annual statement required under subsection (1) (b) shall
(a) indicate the remedial action taken or proposed to be taken to avoid or minimise the recurrence of an undesirable feature in the accounts and operations of a covered entity;
(b) indicate the period for the completion of the remedial action; and
(c) be endorsed by the relevant sector Minister and forwarded to the Minister, Parliament, Office of the President and the Auditor-General within six months after the end of each financial year.

A perusal of the Constitutional provisions in Article 187(7)(b) and statutory provisions referred to supra, makes it quite clear that the bifurcated or two-pronged enforcement regime argument put up by the Plaintiffs in their statement of case is not only borne out by the relevant provisions referred to supra, but also prudent, designed to the encouragement of probity and accountability in the management of public accounts.

In the first procedure, the public entity against whom the irregularity has been made is required to take steps to collect or retrieve the amount from the person who incurred the liability and has been surcharged.

The second stage is where the person surcharged does not pay the amount and the provisions in section 17 of Act 584 supra are triggered.

As already stated supra, section 17(1) of Act 584 stipulates that it is to the head of the public entity that the Auditor-General shall specify the requirement to collect any amount due from the person on whom a surcharge or disallowance has been made and the reasons therein contained.

As stated supra, the roadmap that is envisaged by the section 17(1) provision of Act 584 has been indicated. This roadmap has recently been given a further boost by the enactment of the High Court (Civil Procedure) (Amendment) No. 2 Rules, 2016 (C. I. 102) which are Rules of procedure enacted by the Rules of Court Committee to further amend the High Court (Civil Procedure) Rules, 2004 (C. I. 47) by the insertion after Order 54 of the following new Order on “Disallowance and Surcharge Appeals).” The enactment of C. I. 102 makes it quite certain that the powers of the Auditor-General under Article 187(7) of the Constitution are to retrieve from persons who have caused loss of public funds in their management of same which is contrary to law. The law speaks for itself and there can be no turning back on this.

However, where the person surcharged files an appeal, Order 54A rule 2(7) and (8) of C. I. 47 constitutes the Auditor-General into the respondent to the appeal, as follows:-

For the purposes of the appeal, the Auditor-General is the respondent.

This makes it quite apparent that, following the Auditor-General’s exercise of the Disallowance and Surcharge, the bifurcated approach is triggered. It should also be noted that, there can be no such bifurcated approach to retrieve the sums of money so specified unless and until there has been a disallowance and surcharge.

Furthermore, section 88(1) and (2) of Act 921 puts the matter beyond doubt by stipulating the various steps that the head of the entity covered is expected to take in order to ensure the implementation of the Auditor-General’s recommendations as contained in his management reports and final report on financial matters.

Section 85(1)(a) and (b) on the other hand directs the Principal spending officer to submit on an annual basis, the following:-

(1) A report on the status of the implementation of the Auditor-General’s report.
(2) A report on the status of the implementation of the report of the Auditor-General made by Parliament in respect of the entity covered.

In our considered opinion, in interpreting the constitutional provisions referred to in Article 187(7)(b)(i), (ii) and (iii) supra, we also have a duty to look at all the subordinate legislations which have been enacted to practicalise the harmonious effect of the constitutional provisions. These include the following:-

(1) Audit Service Act, 2000 (Act 584)
(2) Audit Service Regulations, 2011 (C.I. 70)
(3) Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921)
(4) High Court (Civil Procedure) (Amendment) No. 2 Rules, 2016 (C.I. 102)

Perusal of the relevant sections of Act 584 and 921 supra, and the overriding philosophical underpinnings of the 4th Republican Constitution in its preamble, make it quite clear that the said constitutional provision on the powers of Disallowance and Surcharge of the Attorney-General must be enforced.

We reckon the fact that, the stipulations in articles 187(2), (3), (4), (5) and (6) of the Constitution has the operative word “shall”, and this is mandatory.

However, when it comes to the vexed issue of the Disallowance and Surcharge, provisions as used in Article 187(7)(b) the operative word is “may”.

Taking a cue from the importance of the work that is attached to the office of the Auditor-General and the fact that it is the custodian and protector of the public purse, any derogation of the functions therein specified will defeat the lofty aims and objectives stated in the Preamble to the Constitution and the role and objectives of the work of the Auditor-General.

It is to be noted that, the general rules for construction or interpretation that we have become so familiar with were formulated by Judges and crystalised into rules and principles of interpretation.

See for example the mischief rule which was enunciated in Heydon’s case [1584] 3 Co. Rep 7a76 E.R. 637, the Literal Rule which was propounded in the Sussex Peerage case [1844] 11 Co. & E 85, 8 E.R. 1034, the Golden Rule enunciated in the Grey v Pearson [1857] 6. H.L.C 61, 10 E.R. 1216.

The courts in the commonwealth then moved to the now in vogue Purposive Approach. Judges in Ghana and elsewhere in the Commonwealth, have where it is considered appropriate abandoned the strict constructionist view of interpretation in favour of the purposive approach to interpretation which per Atuguba JSC in his opinion in Re Presidential Election Petition, Akufo-Addo & 2 others (No. 4) v Mahama & 2 Others (No. 4) 2013 SCGLR (Special Edition) 73 at page 111 where he stated that

the purposive approach has been enthroned in the Supreme Court as the dominant rule for the construction of the Constitution.

See also the Supreme Court case of Agyei Twum v Attorney-General & Akwetey [2005-2006] SCGLR 732 at 757 where the court adopted the purposive approach to interpretation of the Constitution.

See also Ransford France No. 3 v Electoral Commission & Attorney-General [2012] 1 SCGLR 705 at 718 where the court rejected a literal interpretation that was urged upon it in favour of a purposive approach claiming that a literal interpretation would lead to grave injustice.

It is in this respect that we feel the entire provisions of Articles 187 to 189 on the Auditor-General and the Audit Service must be read as a whole. If that is done, then the intended effect of the work of the Auditor-General which is to ensure that public funds or accounts are handled by safe hands, and that whenever losses of any kind contemplated in Article 187(7)(b) occur, those responsible are identified and duly punished. This must be measured against the background of the fact that the practicalisation of the work of the Auditor-General will ensure that there is probity and accountability in the management of state funds. This will no doubt prevent the wanton dissipation of state resources that are meant for specific projects and activities under the Government’s fiscal policies.

This therefore means that there should be no loss to the state or public in the management of state resources.

At this moment, we think judicial notice can be taken of the fact that corruption, abuse of position and embezzlement of public funds among others has become the bane of our governance structures. Reference is made to the various Auditor-General’s Reports attached to these proceedings. It is our opinion that, notice must be taken of the rampant carelessness that is often times employed by those in charge of public funds in most entities.

We believe that the time has come when it is necessary to strengthen the relevant constitutional bodies set up under the Constitution such as the Auditor-General to protect the public purse from persons who intend to embark upon personal economic recovery programmes with the public funds.

We are also of the view that, the Auditor-General is expected to name the persons who commit irregularities etc, under Article 187(7)(b) and section 17 of Act 584 respectively, recover the amounts from them and thereafter those persons be made to face appropriate punishment. That should be the way forward.

We therefore have a duty to ensure that the reports of the Auditor-General into the public accounts of Ghana wherein findings are made in respect of persons who act in authorizing expenditure contrary to law, or have withheld sums of money from the public account or by whose negligence or misconduct losses or deficiencies to public funds has resulted, must be treated in accordance with the Constitution and laws of Ghana, and have an immediate impact.

“To be or not to be, that is the question,” reference Shakespeare in Hamlet, Prince of Denmark.

Should this court hold and rule that, because the word “may” has been used in Article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution 1992, the Auditor-General’s powers of surcharge and disallowance are not mandatory and can be exercised at the whims and caprices of the Auditor-General? Are these constitutional obligations discretionary then?

We have been privileged to have been given access to the training materials used by the Auditor-General on March 23rd 2006 in a presentation by the then Auditor-General Mr. Edward Dua Agyemang, at a seminar on public accounts management, among others, on the topic “Public Expenditure Monitoring and Tracking – The Role of the Auditor-General” attached to these proceedings as Exhibit OG1.

We find these materials quite appropriate, and revealing. Since they also conflict with the stance of the Defendants in these proceedings, we deem it appropriate to refer to some of them as per Exhibit OG1.

Powers of surcharge and approval of systems

In the course of monitoring public expenditure, the Auditor-General has been given a unique power of surcharge by the Constitution and the Audit Service Act. Article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution requires that the Auditor-General may disallow any item of expenditure, which is contrary to law and surcharge.

Any person against whom a surcharge has been raised by the Auditor-General has the power of appeal against the surcharge in the High Court.

So far this power has not been invoked against public officials because they are given the opportunity to rectify financial lapses resulting in delayed accountability.

However, because of the escalation in cash irregularities by 99.5% in 2004 involving presented payments vouchers and unacquitted payments, the Auditor-General will invoke his powers of surcharge against responsible officers for such serious compliance violations in 2006. This robust sanction will hasten and deepen accountability in the country.

The combined effect of the above is that, as at March 2006, the office of the Auditor-General recognized the fact that the way to protect the public funds of Ghana, and prevent looting of the public purse, avoid corruption and dictatorship is to practicalise the constitutional provisions on the powers of surcharge and disallowance, granted the Auditor-General under the Constitution 1992.

However, this resolve to exercise this power from 2006 has not only been breached, but there has been stoic silence from the office of the Auditor-General to date.

We do not substitute the views of the Auditor-General in those presentations for our constitutional mandate in interpreting and enforcing the constitutional provisions in Article 187(7)(b) as we are required to do. We have only done the references in order to let it be known that, this was the thinking of the Auditor-General in 2006 on these vexed issues.

We also wish to refer to the locus classicus case of Tuffour v Attorney-General [1980] GLR 637. Even though the facts of this case are well known, suffice it to be stated briefly as follows:-

The Plaintiff therein, filed a writ against the Speaker and Attorney General under Section 3 of the first Schedule to the Constitution 1979 for a declaration as follows:-

(1) On the coming into force of the Constitution the Hon. Mr. Justice Apaloo was deemed to have been appointed as Chief Justice and also as President and member of the Supreme Court.
(2) The application of the procedure in article 127(1) to him and his purported vetting and rejection by Parliament were in contravention of the Constitution.
(3) That Justice Apaloo remained Chief Justice and President of the Supreme Court.

Sowah JSC (as he then was) in delivering the judgment of the court, made some pronounced and notable statements regarding the nature of a written constitution such as this 4th Republican Constitution and how it also mirrors the history of the people of Ghana. Out of abundance of caution, we wish to refer to the relevant portions of that judgment.

This has been done with a view to illustrating how Constitutional provisions can be interpreted to achieve the special architecture designed to ensure a proper equilibrium in the governance structure aimed at probity, accountability and transparency. Without these values, all is vanity in our quest for a control mechanism of our public funds or accounts. He states:-

A written Constitution such as ours is not an ordinary Act of Parliament. It embodies the will of a people. It also mirrors their history. Account, therefore, needs to be taken of it as a landmark in a people’s search for progress. It contains within it their aspirations and their hopes for a better and fuller life.

The Constitution has its letter of the law. Equally, the Constitution has its spirit. It is the fountain-head for the authority which each of the three arms of government possesses and exercises. It is a source of strength. It is a source of power. The executive, the legislature and the judiciary are created by the Constitution. Their authority is derived from the Constitution. Their sustenance is derived from the Constitution. Its methods of alteration are specified. In our peculiar circumstances, these methods require the involvement of the whole body politic of Ghana. Its language, therefore, must be considered as if it were a living organism capable of growth and development. Indeed, it is a living organism capable of growth and development, as the body politic of Ghana itself is capable of growth and development. A broad and liberal spirit is required for its interpretation. It does not admit of a narrow interpretation. A doctrinaire approach to interpretation would not do. We must take account of its principles and bring that consideration to bear, in bringing it into conformity with the needs of the time. And so we must take cognisance of the age-old fundamental principle of constitutional construction which gives effect to the intent of the framers of this organic law. Every word has an effect. Every part must be given effect. Perhaps it would not be out of place to remember the injunction of St. Paul contained in his First Epistle to the Corinthians, Chapter 12, verses 14-20 (King James Version):

‘For the body is not one member, but many. If the foot shall say, Because I am not the hand, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the body? And if the ear shall say, Because I am not the eye, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the body? If the whole body were an eye, where were the hearing ? If the whole were hearing, where were the smelling…? But now are they many members, yet but one body.’

And so a construction should be avoided which leads to absurdity. And when a particular interpretation leads to two, shall we say “inconsistent” results, the spirit of the Constitution would demand that the more reasonable of the two should be adhered to. We must have recourse to the Constitution as a whole.

When we put all the learning in the above quotation together, the “may” in Article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution 1992, becomes a mandatory may, and no longer permissive. This is to afford us the opportunity to enforce the provisions of Article 187(7)(b) which will deepen probity and accountability.

It is to be noted that the times we are in as a nation require that we deepen and institutionalize principles which will uphold proper and decent management and protection of public accounts. The tendency where public accounts are considered as a fattened cow to be milked by all and sundry must stop. Our laws on financial management must therefore be made to work to prevent absurdity in our enforcement regimes of same.

We reckon that, it is in the pursuance of these noble objectives that the Rules of Court Committee has enacted C. I. 70 and also C.I. 102 both referred to supra.

The rationale for the above is to give teeth to the constitutional and statutory mandate of the Auditor-General’s powers on Disallowance and Surcharge to bite.

In their respective submissions, learned counsel have variously referred to and relied on Audit observations and management letters.

In essence, whilst the Defendants concede that the Auditor-General has this constitutional power or mandate of surcharge and disallowance, they argue that, the duty of the Auditor-General ends with the submission of his report. They contend further that, action on the Auditor-General’s reports are to be implemented by other statutory bodies. These are the Audit Committee’s established under the Public Financial Management Act, 2016 (Act 921), section 85 (1) of which deals with the report and recommendations of the Auditor-General by the principal spending officer of that entity in relation to his dealings with the Auditor-General and Parliament respectively.

On the other hand, sections 86 to 88 of Act 921 deals with the Establishment of Audit Committees by various entities, the composition of the membership of such committee’s and the functions of the said Audit Committees respectively.

Section 88(1) of Act 921 has already been referred to supra. The crux of the provisions therein contained indicate that, in all cases;
(1) The Audit Committees are to pursue the implementation of any recommendation contained inter alia, in the Auditor-Generals report, as decided upon by Parliament, and the Auditor-General’s management letter and
(2) To prepare an annual statement showing the status of implementation of any recommendation contained in the Auditor-General’s report on
(a) Parliament’s decision on the Auditor-General’s report and
(b) Auditor-General’s management letter, among others.

What is to be noted is that, all the above requirements and procedures are statutory, based on Acts 584 and 921 respectively as well as the Audit Service Regulations, 2011 respectively. However, the Auditor-General’s powers of surcharge and disallowance are constitutional and therefore have to be on a higher pedestal and given pride of place.

When we consider the combined effect of Regulations 34, 35, and 57 respectively of the Audit Service Regulations, 2011 (C I. 70), which deals with Audit observations and reporting, consequences of not responding to an audit observation and issue of management letters after completion of an audit assignment respectively, it becomes very clear that these roles and functions are different in scope and magnitude from the Auditor-General’s report envisaged and stipulated in Articles 187(2) and (5) respectively of the constitution.

Whilst management letters are issued by Branch and sectoral heads within two weeks of an audit assignment, containing their findings, recommendations and conclusions of their assignment to the management of the entity and copied to the officials and the organisations, that of the Auditor-General is wider in scope as it is submitted to Parliament and has far reaching effects and consequences as is stipulated in Articles 187(7)(b) of the Constitution.

Audit observations per Regulation 34(1) of C.I. 70 on the other hand are formal audit observations issued at an audit location in the course of the audit. In this respect, the audit team is enjoined under Regulation 34(2)(a) & (b) of C.I. 70 to take steps to discuss with the audited organization the findings and recommendations arising from the audit and also obtain written responses from the audited organization. Thus these activities occur at a lower level and earlier stage of the process which culminated in the Auditor-General’s report submitted to Parliament.

It is thus therefore quite clear that Audit observations, and Management letters are different in context, scope and magnitude from the Auditor-Generals’ report as stipulated in Article 187 referred to supra.

From the above discussions, it is quite apparent that the Auditor-General has an obligation to ensure that his powers of disallowance and surcharge duly exercised by him under Article 187(7)(b) of the Constitution are complied with by the public entity or officials directly affected by the exercise of his powers of surcharge and disallowance.

CONCLUSION

In the premises, it is our considered view that using the principles of interpretation so eloquently and powerfully explained in the decision in the case of Tuffour v Attorney-General, supra and the purposive approach to interpretation generally, this court will interprete Article 187(7)(b) as having a mandatory effect in so far as the Auditor-General’s report is final.

In the premises, the Plaintiffs succeed in their claims against the Defendants in respect of reliefs 1, 2, and 3 as follows:-

(1) That upon a true and proper interpretation of Article 187(7)(b)(i) of the Constitution, the Auditor-General is bound to issue a disallowance or surcharge where there has been any item of expenditure on behalf of the Government that is contrary to law.
(2) That upon a true and proper interpretation of Article 187(7)(b)(ii) of the Constitution, the Auditor-General is bound to issue a disallowance and surcharge where any person fails to bring any sum into the Government’s account.
(3) That upon a true and proper interpretation of Article 187(7)(b)(iii) of the Constitution, the Auditor-General is bound to issue a disallowance and surcharge where the Government suffers or incurs a loss or deficiency through the negligence or misconduct of any person.

Reliefs 4 and 5 are granted in their entirety against the Defendants.

CONSEQUENTIAL ORDERS

As a sequel to our judgment just delivered, we further direct that, henceforth, the Auditor-General shall take steps to recover the amount unlawfully expended from the person or persons who incurred and or authorised the disallowed expenditure.

Secondly, the Auditor-General shall also take steps to recover the amount from the person or persons by whom the amount ought to have been brought into account.

Thirdly, the Auditor-General shall also take steps to recover the value of the loss or deficiency from the person or persons by whose negligence or misconduct the losses or deficiencies were incurred, (whether or not the person is a public servant).

Finally, the Attorney-General is hereby ordered to take all necessary steps to enforce the decisions or steps taken by the Auditor-General supra to ensure compliance including in some cases criminal prosecutions.

We have had to issue out the above consequential orders even though we are happily aware that the current Auditor-General Mr. Daniel Yao Domelevo has taken steps to train his staff under C. I. 102 to prepare them adequately for the hearings in respect of the surcharge and disallowance appeals anticipated under article 187 (7) of the Constitution.

EPILOGUE

Quoting again from the presentation by the then Auditor-General, Mr. Edward Dua Agyemang, attached to these proceedings by the Plaintiffs as exhibit OG1, which we have already referred to supra, the Auditor-General concluded that presentation as follows:-

Let me conclude by saying that whenever people get a choice between privacy and accountability, they tend to choose privacy for themselves and accountability for everyone else. But accountability and good governance are inextricably interrelated with each other. Take away accountability from good governance and you will be left with dictatorship and corruption.

For accountability to thrive there is the need to have effective monitoring and tracking of public expenditure by the Auditor-General. The success in this endeavor depends on strong political will to adequately resource the Auditor-General to be able to hire and maintain properly trained staff and professionals; acquire the needed equipment and other resources.

The growing interest of the public in the work of the Auditor-General has demonstrated the important contribution the Auditor-General makes in helping our nation spend wisely through expenditure surveillance. The Auditor-General provides assurances to the people of Ghana through Parliament that public money is spent properly and that there is accountability.

From the above, what is apparent is that, there is an urgent need to adequately resource not only the office of the Auditor-General, but also that of the other constitutional bodies like the Judiciary, CHRAJ and Attorney-General, just to mention a few, who are the front runners in our fight against corruption. This will ensure that the impact of these constitutional bodies in our quest to ensure probity and accountability thereby enhancing proper management and control of public funds is put on a higher pedestal.

We believe that as a nation, we have reached a critical stage in our governance systems where we must not shy away from spending wisely in order to superintend the public purse. This is the only sure way to ensure that the good governance principles enshrined in the Constitution such as Article 187(7)(b) are not lost.

There is an old adage which states as follows “penny wise, pound foolish”. We therefore must adequately fund these constitutional bodies including the Auditor-General to ensure maximum protection of the public funds.

Save as is stated supra, the Plaintiffs succeed substantially on their claims against the Defendants.

V. J. M. DOTSE
(JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT)

S. A. B. AKUFFO (MS)
(JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT)

S. O. A. ADINYIRA (MRS)
(JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT)

ANIN YEBOAH
(JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT)

P. BAFFOE-BONNIE
(JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT)

N. S. GBADEGBE
(JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT)

A. A. BENIN
(JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT)

*By Ace A Ankomah (First published in the Daily Graphic Newspaper in March 2014)

Introduction

It is a contempt of Parliament
(a) for a person to endeavour, by means of bribery, fraud or the infliction or threatened infliction of violence, restraint or spiritual or temporal injury, to influence a Member [of Parliament] in the performance of functions…
(c) for a Member to accept, or procure for personal gain or for any other person, a benefit in return for undertaking to perform any of the functions of the Member in a particular manner or by reason of anything done or omitted to be done by the Member in the performance of functions.
Parliament Act, 1965 (Act 300), section 27(2)

By far the most topical and potentially explosive issue in Ghana today is the news report, carried on the front page and page 3 of the Daily Graphic of 10th March 2014, that the former Minority Leader, former Majority Leader and former minister of state, Alban S. K. Bagbin, MP, had stated that MPs receive bribes. The statement, captured in an audio recording and its transcript, is widely available on the internet and on social media.

This article examines what Mr. Bagbin is recorded to have said, recounts a bit of social attitudes to gifts, reviews the law on corruption and extortion, and shows that corrupting an MP also amounts to Contempt of Parliament. At the end, I will make some suggestions or proposals aimed at strengthening the existing laws on corruption.

What Did Mr. Bagbin Say?
From the recording, a questioner first informed Mr. Bagbin of “a perception that MPs take bribe before a bill is even passed, especially when the bill is under the certificate of urgency.” The questioner then asked a specific question: “Do MPs take money?”

Mr. Bagbin’s response was a clear, unambiguous and unequivocal “Yes.” Having made that candid admission he then took his audience on an excursion that is worth following. He said that bribery of MPs occurs in two ways. First, according to him, MPs are bribed to canvass certain positions in Parliament. He said “there is some evidence that some MPs take bribe, and they come to the floor and try to articulate the views of their sponsors.” He then sought to distinguish between “bribery” and “lobbying,” stating that Ghana has not developed rules to govern lobbying, “and so we think that lobbying is taking money to go and give to some MPs and writing pieces for them to articulate on the floor. That is bribery.” He was emphatic!

Second, Mr. Bagbin revealed that MPs are also bribed by governments to vote for unpopular government policies. He pulled no punches and minced no words: “at least there are some members who take bribe. And sometimes some governments, both sides, they are coming with some policies to the House that are very, very controversial; that even their members disagree with them. And they have had to influence the members through this bribery.” He then gave the example of the allegation by former NPP MP, P. C. Appiah-Ofori that certain MPs were bribed with US$5,000 to pass the Ghana Telecom privatisation deal. He then gave another, and rather curious, example where he and “a team… were called to be given the full details” of the Merchant Bank transaction. He said they were given all the relevant information and “all the story.” Then he says “we were fed; food and that kind of thing. Ok? We were given T&T.” [“T&T” is an acronym for ‘Telecommunications and Transportation’ expenses, but is now generally accepted as monies distributed to cover the perceived cost of travel and ‘fuel’.] Although Mr. Bagbin denied receiving dollars, he said that “that team came to the House and led the caucus to try and debate it.”

Having stated this, Mr. Bagbin then meandered into what some might consider a red herring, a deliberate deviation. But I don’t think so. I think that Mr. Bagbin, by a subtle and obviously studied use of euphemisms, tells us that MPs are susceptible to bribery simply because they are not paid sufficiently well and thus do not have the resources to do what is expected or required of them. His chosen euphemism for that was “No Releases,” and his exact words were: “we want to do a lot of work, but No Releases.” He then tells us of four effects of the “No Releases” phenomenon.

First, “No Releases” means that MPs do not have office spaces in Parliament and that even if rooms ordinarily reserved for Committee meetings are available, MPs cannot afford to provide even “water.” By the use of another euphemism, “water,” Mr. Bagbin tells us that if an MP holds a meeting, he/she is expected to provide something edible and/or drinkable for the persons who will attend the meeting. “You can’t even buy that”, he is heard to complain.

Second, “No Releases” means that MPs are unable to meet the constant pressure from their constituents to attend (and presumably finance) funerals and festivals, and pay for vacation classes (obviously for students.) He said “the man is being pressurised from his constituency… they expect you to give them money to motivate them. They don’t say pay them, but they say ‘motivate us.’” This drew laughter from the audience.

Third, the MPs Common Fund is inadequate, and as is typical of the “No Releases” phenomenon, even that has not been paid since the first quarter of 2013. He said “now you think the MP can use common fund to do all this? No, he won’t get that.”

Fourth, “No Releases” means that MPs are not equipped with the personal capacity or tools for their work. He says “you need to have these resources to be able to get the MPs together, to be able to build their capacities to do what you want them to do.” He then elaborates this dearth of “capacity building” because of “No releases” argument, further by giving two instances, where he required the intervention of either outside help and the use of his personal resources in “capacity building.”

In the first instance, he stated that he had to educate himself on matters that were not within his area of learning. He stated that even “as a lawyer,” he had to equip himself for the work that he was required to do in Parliament, particularly in areas of the law that were not taught to him in school, such as intellectual property. MPs, according to him, are compelled to rely and depend on external help. He said “and so when you take us through your subject area, you improve our capacity, then we can handle the policy or the business in Parliament better.” What I understand Mr. Bagbin to be saying is that the phenomenon of “No Releases” compels MPs to rely on their personal resources and resources provided by others, to be equipped for their work. This obviously exposes MPs to bribery.

In the second instance, and almost as a corollary to the first instance, Mr. Bagbin stated he also needed to be equipped to contend with a “very strong” opposition NPP. In a back-handed compliment to the opposition NPP, particularly its presidential candidate, Nana Akufo-Addo, Mr. Bagbin said that as chairman of the Legal Committee of Parliament between 1997 and 2000, he had to contend with and debate Nana Akufo-Addo, who was the “ranking member” of that committee. He said “you know the NPP is mostly lawyers because of their value-system, aristocrats.” To do this, Mr. Bagbin had to do a lot of reading. “I took time to read. That is how I built my capacity to be able to lead that committee. If not, the other side were very strong, ok?” Mr. Bagbin’s “reading” could not have come for free; he must have incurred expenses to purchase the materials that he read, the acquisition of which must have been difficult because of “No Releases.”

These statements raise a very fundamental issue as to what is bribery and what is not. Can the “food”, “T&T”, ‘per diems’ funded by organisations, and even cash donations made or provided to MPs amount to bribery? When is a thing a bribe and when is it just a gift? We now turn to a discussion of these matters.

Social Perspectives
It is important to consider these questions also from a societal perspective. There is no denial that by some pervading customary or traditional practices, persons in authority receive gifts from others, and also give generously to people who come their way. This practice has transcended into modern day Ghana. For example, when the policeman at the barrier or checkpoint stops your vehicle, smiles at and salutes you, and calls you “Honourable,” he does so in expectation of a gift. You are riding in a car. He is contending with either the hot sun or the cold night. He has done nothing for you and you have done nothing wrong. But on the sheer account of him being in a position of authority, he expects you to make a “dash”. The obviously practised forlorn and disappointed look on his face, if you prepare to drive away without a tip, can compel you to look for a five-cedi note for him. Actually, you may sometimes even feel guilty if you don’t find some money for them. By the same token, if he had stopped your vehicle because you have violated some traffic regulation, then the expectation of a “gift” is even heightened.

In his new book on the ancient town of Anomabo, titled Where the Negroes Are Masters: An African Port in the Era of the Slave Trade, and published by the Harvard University Press, Randy J. Sparks, refers to near-comical records allegedly compiled by the British occupants of the Anomabo Fort in the 18th Century, and which showed that they had to routinely make officially sanctioned “dashes” to members of the ruling “Corrantee” family under numerous, different circumstances.

The fort’s account books reveal the quantities of goods that went into the town every month as payments to Corrantee’s family and to the townspeople for a range of goods and services. Dashes or gifts went to Corrantee’s three wives and to his sons George Banishee and Quasah. Dashes might be given on almost any imaginable occasion, or for no apparent reason at all. The British dashed George Banishee because he was paying a visit to Cape Coast and to allow him to entertain a visiting “Mulatto Relation.” Both William Ansah and Quasah received gifts for building new houses. Corrantee received gifts “on coming home from Brafo Town & his wife who attended him on going.” Corrantee received a gallon of rum because he was “Complaining of its being a Cold Day,” a half gallon of rum because he wanted to “wash himself,” and more rum and brandy for the New Yam harvest festival. From November to December 1755, for example, Corrantee received nineteen gallons of rum in dashes. The entire town received rum for the New Yam Festival, “a great day with them.” They dashed George Banishee’s wife because she was “with child & Longing for it.” The pynins of the Upper Town and those of the Lower Town were also paid.

During the negotiations with the Asante in 1768, the British made payments to pynins from other towns who came to Annamaboe to discuss those issues, and to the “principal men among soldiers” in the town “to induce them to settle the Ashante Business.” They gave dashes to the “Townspeople for clearing the paths above the Town (as usual),” and to “a Mulattoe for making a New Flagg” for the fort. Dashes went to Corrantee’s Chicko (or Chickee, a messenger identified as his “public cryer”) and to his “Wenches.” In July and August 1768, for example, the fort made sixty-four payments to Corrantee’s “favorite wives.”

As almost hilarious, and probably patronising, as these “records” may be or read, they speak to the matters that we grapple with today, that persons in authority expect gifts from others. What is worse, we “the others” do expect to give such gifts, and are sometimes embarrassed when the gifts are turned down.

The issue of giving gifts to persons of authority engaged the mind of the ancient writer and third King of Israel, Solomon, who is recorded in Proverbs 18:16 of the New International Version of the Bible as saying that “a gift opens the way and ushers the giver into the presence of the great.” And in Proverbs 17:8, the same writer stated that “a bribe is seen as a charm by the one who gives it; they think success will come at every turn.” Indeed on account of there being many versions of the Holy Writ, the words “gift” and “bribe” are sometimes used as if they are synonyms of each other. But whether or not Solomon said these things with his tongue stuck firmly in his cheek, what he is recorded to have written, are facts. Gifts or bribes do indeed open doors, make room and probably bring “success.”

The modern day MP occupies a very important societal position, which involves wide-ranging interaction with various persons at different levels of society. As stated above, it is a known (and even accepted) fact that in the course of such interactions, many “gifts” and “donations” are made to and by MPs (and indeed all persons in authority). But where then, do we draw the line between what is a “gift” and what is a “bribe”? The answer, I respectfully submit, lies within the laws of the land, and it is to a discussion of this that I now turn.

Corruption and Extortion
Article 35(8) of the Constitution imposes a duty on the state to work to eliminate corruption. It simply says that “the State shall take steps to eradicate corrupt practices…” Under section 42 of the Interpretation Act, 2009 (Act 792), the word “shall” is construed “as imperative and mandatory.” In other words, Ghana has an obligation to take steps to eliminate corruption. The constitutional provision does not define “corrupt practices” or “corruption.” However, there is some definition and explanation under the Criminal Offences Act, 1960 (Act 29), section 239 of which makes it an offence for a public officer to commit Corruption or Extortion; and a person who corrupts another in respect of that other person’s duty as a public officer, is also guilty of the offence of corruption.

Under the combined effect of section 3(1) of the Criminal Offences Act and article 295 of the Constitution, the term “public officer” is to be construed by referring to the constitutional definition of the term “public office”. It “includes a person holding an office by election or appointment under an enactment or under powers conferred by an enactment.” A “public office” includes “an office the emoluments attached to which are paid directly from the Consolidated Fund or directly out of monies provided by Parliament and an office in a public corporation established entirely out of public funds or monies provided by Parliament.”

There is therefore no doubt that a Member of Parliament is a public officer.

According to section 240 of the Criminal Offences Act, a public officer commits the offence of Corruption where in respect of his/her duties of a public office, the following occur:
• directly or indirectly agrees or offers to permit his/her conduct as a public officer to be influenced,
• by gift, promise or prospect of a “valuable consideration”,
• to be received by him/her or by any other person, from any other person.

A person is guilty of Corrupting a public officer where he/she:
• endeavours, directly or indirectly, to influence the conduct of the public officer in respect of the duties of office,
• by gift, promise or prospect of a “valuable consideration”,
• to be received by the public officer or any other person, from any other person.

From the above, the offence of Corruption is only committed when there has been an attempt or effort to influence the conduct of the recipient of a gift, as a public officer, and in respect of his/her duties as such. It is therefore not sufficient to simply show that an MP has received a gift. It must be shown that the gift was part of an endeavour to manipulate his/her conduct as an MP.

Further, what the MP received must be a gift or some assurance, hope or expectation of “valuable consideration.” This refers to some right, interest, profit or benefit accruing to him/her and at the same time some forbearance, detriment, loss or responsibility given, suffered or undertaken by the other person. By law, this needs not be translated into cedis and pesewas, but it is sufficient if it consists of performance or promise of performance, which the promissor treats and considers of value to him.

The law is also careful to distinguish between what one may call “pre-paid bribes” and “post-paid bribes”. Thus an MP would be held to have received a “pre-paid” bribe even where the payment is made to him/her in the hope, anticipation, belief, prospect or probability of his/her election. It is immaterial that the person is not yet an MP as at the time of the making of it, if the endeavour, agreement or offer is made in the expectation that he/she will or may become an MP. It is also immaterial, whether the act to be done by a person in consideration or in pursuance of the gift, promise, prospect, agreement or offer is criminal or wrongful otherwise than by reason of any other law. This covers a corrupt agreement for lawful consideration. But it is critical to note that if you make a payment to a candidate in an election, as part of an agreement or endeavour to influence his/her conduct if elected, both you and the candidate are guilty of the offence of corruption, even if the candidate loses the election!

With respect to what may be called ‘post-paid’ bribes, the offence is committed where after an MP does an act, he/she secretly accepts or agrees or offers to secretly accept for personal gain or for any other person, valuable consideration on account of the act. Here, the law presumes that until the contrary is shown, the MP acted corruptly before doing the act. In like manner, the offence is also committed where after an MP does an act, any other person secretly agrees or offers to give or to procure for the MP or any other person, valuable consideration on account of that act. Here too, the presumption is also that the person so agreeing or offering, corrupted the MP before the doing of the act.

Thus in the case of Republic v. Hagan [1968] GLR 607, the court held that for the purpose of committing the offence of accepting a bribe to influence a public officer, whatever public office is held by the accused is irrelevant, for no question of the colour of the offender’s office arises. His position would be the same whether he holds public office or not. The accused must have acted under pretence or under colour of having influenced or being able to influence. One acts “under colour” if he represents or misrepresents that he has influenced or is in a position to influence. Such a representation or misrepresentation may even be made through an intermediary.

It is also important to consider the related offence of Extortion. It is committed by a public officer who, under colour of office, demands or obtains (whether for public purposes or private gain or for any other person) money or valuable consideration which he/she knows is not lawfully authorised. There are 3 decided cases that explain this principle very well.

First, in Motayo v. COP (1950) 13 WACA 114, the court was emphatic that “to constitute an offence under that section there must… not only be a corrupt demand, but also a pretence that the party making it is lawfully empowered to do so by reason of his employment. It is immaterial whether he pretends that the money is to be paid into the funds of the public authority that employs him or whether it is a perquisite for himself; it suffices if he conveys the impression to his victim, whether directly or by implication, that by virtue of his employment he is entitled to demand it.”

Second, in Republic v. Hagan (supra.), the court distinguished between bribery and extortion, and held that where a public officer demands or obtains a bribe, this did not ipso facto amount to extortion, merely because the recipient happens to hold a public office. The demand or obtaining must have some reference to the particular public office held by the accused, and there should be an act or conduct which amounts to the representation or misrepresentation of the duties of his office.

And third, in Appiah v. The Republic [1989-88] 2 GLR 377, it was held that the offence of extortion as defined is in the alternative, “demand” or “obtain.” The demand might be either directly or indirectly made. If indirect, proof of the demand might well nigh be impossible without other enabling statutory provisions. “Obtaining” lends itself to readier proof and readier defences. It is the suspicious end result that flows from a representation that must be explained and is capable of explanation if an innocent one existed. Accordingly, a posture of an ability to deliver under colour of office, whether positively or impliedly, might amount to a constructive representation if the other limb of the offence, namely “obtaining” is proved. Consequently, provided there is representation, demand or obtaining, the offence is committed even when the payment secures no returns.

Thus the offence of Extortion is committed, for instance, where MPs, as members of a committee of Parliament, adopt a posture that delays or frustrates the consideration and approval of a budget or agreement in such a way that compels a person to send “brown envelopes” to them. Once the benefit is obtained, the demand for it would be implied by law, and the offence of extortion would have been committed.

Contempt of Parliament
The general position under article 122 of the Constitution and section 26 of the Parliament Act, 1965 (Act 300) is that acts that impede or tend to impede Parliament in the performance of its functions, or affront its dignity, amount to Contempt of Parliament.

The Parliament Act then sets out specific acts that would amount to Contempt of Parliament. Under section 27, a person commits Contempt of Parliament if he/she endeavours to influence an MP’s official functions by means of bribery, among others. An MP commits Contempt of Parliament where he/she accepts, or procures for personal gain or for any other person, a benefit in return for undertaking to perform any of the functions of an MP in a particular manner, or by reason of anything done or omitted to be done by the MP in the performance of functions.

In other words bribing an MP and an MP accepting a bribe are acts considered as contemptuous of Parliament because they obstruct, hinder or hamper Parliament in the performance of its functions, and are also an affront on the dignity of Parliament. A person who engages in them is guilty of Contempt of Parliament.

An MP who is found guilty of Contempt of Parliament may be reprimanded, suspended or even expelled from Parliament, depending on the gravity of the matter. A non-MP in Contempt of Parliament may be excluded from coming within the precincts of Parliament for a period not exceeding 9 months, reprimanded or subjected to criminal prosecution that may lead to a fine not exceeding 250 penalty units (i.e. GH¢3,000) and/or a term of imprisonment for one year. It is important to note that while the severest sanction that may be meted out to an MP for being in Contempt of Parliament is his/her expulsion from Parliament, the punishment of criminal prosecution with the prospect of imprisonment is reserved for non-MPs!

Recommendations & Concluding Comments
I hear politicians and social actors speak of the “perception” of corruption. But I think that anyone who still thinks that corruption is just a “perception” thing, probably just arrived on earth from Mars. Corruption is real, and we call it a “perception” simply because either we are too cowardly to speak to it frontally and expose those involved it in, or we are guilty of it ourselves. That is why Mr. Bagbin’s statements have serious legal implications and consequences that cannot be trivialized, laughed at or wished away. If it is true that our lawmakers are themselves lawbreakers, then there is an urgent need to tackle this situation headlong, and take the constitutionally mandated steps to eradicate such corrupt practices in Parliament. We may never succeed in completely eliminating corruption, and on that I tend to agree, in part, with the reported statement of President John Kufuor, that “corruption has been with us from Adam.” But what he failed or neglected to add is that his declared “zero tolerance for corruption” also meant that we have to continue the fight against it, and that even if all we succeed in doing is making corruption less attractive and potentially more painful than it has been, we would have some success to fall on and refer to. Win the battles. Chalk up small victories. Take steps towards eliminating corruption, even if we never achieve full elimination.

An MP who takes money to promote a bill or other process (or forbear to do same) in Parliament is guilty of the offence of corruption. If Appiah-Ofori’s allegation is true, then all the MPs who took money to vote on the Ghana Telecom privatisation are guilty of the offence of corruption. Even Mr. Bagbin’s curious Merchant Bank example is problematic. An MP who is fed, given “T&T” and/or “per diem” commits the offence if the food and monies were given to him/her as part of a deal to influence his/her actions (or inactions) in Parliament. It is curious that Mr. Bagbin did not reveal how much money was distributed as “T&T” to the members of “the team” who attended the meeting. However, the current Minority Leader, Osei-Kyei Mensah-Bonsu, stated on Oman FM, on the morning of 10th March 2014 when the news broke, that the alleged “T&T” was only given to the members of one political party, and that the amount was GH¢5,000. If true, that could raise red flags especially if the meeting was held in Accra. So that what is described as “just T&T” could trigger criminal prosecution if the amount of it is so out of tune with how much an MP is reasonably expected to have spent to attend the meeting or seminar, and if the other elements of the offence exist.

Whatever the figure was, Mr. Bagbin stated that “that team came to the House and led the caucus to try and debate it.” If it is proved that the position of members of the team in subsequently “leading the caucus to debate the matter,” was influenced by the food that they were fed with and money that they received as “T&T,” then they would be guilty of the offence of corruption. In both of this instance and the Appiah-Ofori’s alleged instance, the MPs involved would also be guilty of the offence of extortion if they actually demanded those items, directly or indirectly. This is because all of those acts done after the alleged receipt of food and money, were things that Parliamentarians are required to do by law, such as advocating positions, making speeches and voting. To the extent that any of those acts was or were thus influenced, offences would have been committed. That is why a full public inquiry into the allegations would be welcome. The people of Ghana deserve to know where the truth lies in this matter.

I would also like to make the following points and recommendations in conclusion.

First, Mr. Bagbin says that there are no rules governing lobbying in Ghana. I respectfully disagree. Lobbying an MP by simply seeking to influence or convince him/her to take a position on a matter is no offence. But an offence is committed if that lobbying involves any gift, or the promise or prospect of some valuable consideration. The scope of Ghana’s anti-bribery and corruption law, rustic though it may appear, is so wide that what might be accepted in other countries as mere “lobbying” would constitute an offence here. If we want to change it, then we should introduce formal legislation on lobbying MPs, for instance by amending the Parliament Act, to provide for the maximum value of gifts that MPs are allowed to receive, the circumstances under which such gifts may be received and strict declaration of and accounting for them.

Second, the offences of corruption and extortion should no longer be classified as “misdemeanours” under our law. (Extortion may however be tried as a second degree felony if it is accompanied by threats.) The Criminal and Other Offences (Procedure) Act makes special provision that punishment for corruption and extortion may be imprisonment for up to 25 years. However, their technical categorization as “misdemeanors,” is still problematic, as misdemeanours are the lowest category of offences under our criminal law. There is no reason why corruption and extortion should be classified any lower than say, stealing, which is a second degree felony.

Third, I would also advocate specific provisions in legislation, which would empower a court that convicts a person of Corruption or Extortion to order that person to forfeit the benefit received to the state. There is already precedent in what I consider the most ignored, but probably the most potent, anti-corruption statute in Ghana, the Government Contracts (Protection) Act, 1979 (AFRCD 58). That statute provides that a contractor who wrongly receives payment under a government contract may be ordered by the court to refund those monies to the government. And upon conviction for corruption under those circumstances, the court, in addition to imposing a sentence of between five and fifteen years imprisonment on both the contractor and the government official who certified the contract, may impose fines of up to three times the amount of money improperly paid, on those persons. It is time to dig up and dust up that statute, breathe life into it, give it teeth, and incorporate some of its provisions into our general law on bribery and corruption.

Fourth, it would appear from the law that the offences of Corruption and Extortion are only committed if they involve the official acts of public officers. That would mean private acts of corruption and extortion are not offences. In effect, and for instance, while a headteacher of a public school may go to jail for engaging in a corrupt act, the headteacher of a private school may only lose his/her job for engaging in the same act with no prospect of prosecution, let alone jail time. It is time to review the law so that the offences cover both public and private acts of corruption and extortion. In this, there is no shame in borrowing from the provisions of the recent UK Bribery Act, which extends to private acts of corruption. Indeed, it might be time to consider a stand-alone Bribery and Corruption Act, to deal specifically with this canker, because currently, our laws on Corruption are scattered in nearly 10 separate pieces of legislation.

Fifth, simplify government processes. Long, drawn-out procedures for getting anything done by government, is a prime and fertile ground for corruption. It is unacceptable, nay, criminal, for it to take five years to register title to land, and that system compels anxious land owners to pay monies just to speed the process up. Persons who travel to and drive in the US, obey the speed limits not because they suddenly become angels, but because they know that if they are caught, they cannot simply dish out a twenty dollar bill to the arresting officer and then go scot free. If you are caught, you are given a ticket that imposes a fine. You are required to pay within a specified time or you are liable to be arrested. It beats my mind why we cannot do this in Ghana. Today, if you are caught speeding by the now notorious speeding gun used by the police between Cape Coast and Takoradi, and you know that you would have to travel to court in Takoradi from Accra, for about 5 adjournments (each spread over two weeks) before you are declared “not guilty” or fined, your ‘angelic self’ is likely to take a back seat if you know that a single mauve note will send you along your merry way with no record of your arrest, let alone a speeding ticket.

Sixth, as crime and criminals get more and more sophisticated with time, it is to be expected that persons engaged in acts of Corruption and Extortion are also getting more sophisticated. That is why institutions such as the CID of the Ghana Police Service, the Economic and Organised Crime Office (EOCO) and the Commission for Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) require more empowerment and resources to carry out their respective mandates properly and in tune with the changing times.

Seventh, there is the need to engage in continuous public education and discourse on Bribery and Corruption. The logic that “exposure” kills Corruption is pretty unassailable. And in this regard, our religious bodies can play a key and leading role, because we all need to be reminded, constantly, of the cost of Corruption to both the totality of our beings and the nation as a whole. I am pretty certain that Charles Wesley will forgive me if I adopt and adapt the words of his hymn I Want A Principle Within, that we need a “sensibility of corruption, a pain to feel it near.”

In conclusion, let me state that I do not think that Mr. Alban Bagbin was lying, even if he was card-stacking at some point in his delivery. He is too experienced a man and professional to have spoken amiss. Yet he stands at a critical crossroad, and what he says or does in the coming days will either give a booster shot to the fight against corruption or simply send us back. He can tell it all and let the chips fall where they may, or he can simply backtrack to save his skin. But for now, I believe that when the history of the fight against corruption in Ghana comes to be written, it will record the day when a political insider stood up and gave voice to the hitherto loud whispers that “some MPs take bribe.” What happened thereafter is something that we all have to wait to see.

SIX (6) THINGS I WISH I KNEW [MORE ABOUT] BEFORE TURNING 30

(Presentation delivered to the 1st Eagles Conference for Men, held/organised by Joyful Way Incorporated on 30th May 2015)

Thank you for inviting me to speak at this maiden Eagles Conference, organised by the group that I absolutely love with all that I am and have within me, Joyful Way, the last standing epitome of true music evangelism.

It is certainly by your design that my wife spoke, last year, at the maiden Arete Conference that you organised for young women. I understand that it was pretty no-holds-barred, take-no-prisoner session. I haven’t summoned sufficient courage to listen to the recording, and I will NOT encourage you to do that! Trust me, I know what I am talking about.

Today, I am privileged to be speaking after two truly great men. First, is the current President of Joyful Way, Michael Charway, who spoke on “How A Young Man Can Keep His Way Pure,” and then my own friend and brother Albert Ocran who I have known for 40 out of my 47 years on earth, who spoke to you on “How To Cultivate Multiple Income Streams.” You could not have chosen better men to speak on these topics, as the messages they delivered, I know, reflect their very lives. The messenger is the best message. I can only hope and pray that at the end of my presentation, I would be considered worthy of being associated with the path that these men have so skillfully blazed here to day.

My presentation is in two parts. The first part is the introduction to the topic. The second part is a list, just a list of 6 things I which I had known (better) some 17 years ago, when I turned 30.

INTRODUCTION

What is it about the age 30, and why is it significant? Isn’t age just a number? Or is it because the number looks and sounds nice?

Since this Conference is organised by a Christian organisation, this presentation is anchored and rooted in your source

Let’s go the the Good Book, Book of Books, the Ancient Script, penned by human hands, yet inspired by the Spirit of the life-creating, life-changing and life-sustaining Force called “God”. I have found in that book, 6 significant things that happened to 6 significant people at the age 30.

1. Joseph was 30 when he was appointed to put in place in Egypt, an economic policy that would mark that country as a world giant and ultimately a super power. (Gen 41:46). In 30 years, God has raised him from being a spoilt son of a rich man, a sissy and dreamer, thrust into management as a teen with no experience and not even the ability to interpret his own dreams, God rescued him
* from Papa’s loving and overbearing Protection,
* from the Pit of dashed hope and Despair,
* from Potiphar’s House of Temptation and Seduction,
* from Prison, living on others’ dreams, a place Unjust and Unfair,
* to the Palace and Power and Position.

2. In ancient Israel, Priests were officially commissioned into service at the age of 30 (Num 4:3). Thus although they had been born in the tribe of Levi and were destined to become priest, they required 3 decades of training to assume that high office for 2 decades. They had to retire at 50. Note however that that age was subsequently reduced to 25 (Num 4:24-25) and to to 20 in the time of David (I Ch 23:24-27, 2 Ch 31:17), but the retirement age appears to have been kept at 50.

3. David became King at age 30, and he ruled for 40 years (2 Sam 5:4). Doing the math, he could was 18- 20 when he killed Goliath. That is confirmed by Num 1:18-45 where the age of being “numbered” for military service was 20.

4. Ezekiel received his prophetic and unmatched vision-seeing ministry when he was 30 (Ez 1:1). He remembered the actual date of his 30th year (4 months and 5 days) and exactly where he was (by river Chebar) when “the heavens were opened and I saw visions of God.”

5. The Lord Christ Himself started his work at age 30. Lk 3:23 – “And Jesus himself began to be about thirty years of age, being (as was supposed) the son of Joseph, which was the son of Heli.” God HIMSELF, needed 3 decades of preparation for what was effectively 3 years of ministry!!

6. John the Baptist must have started his work at age 30. How do we know? He was only 6 months older than the Lord Christ. Luke 1:26 says that 6 months after angel Gabriel returned to heaven from the “divine impregnation” mission effected on the old and barren Elisabeth in Judaea, the same angel was sent on another of such missions, this time to a city of Galilee called Nazareth and this time to a virgin! In v.36, Gabriel confidently informs Mary that her cousin Elisabeth is 6 months pregnant already, and that she is about to go through the same miraculous procedure, and that with God, nothing was impossible. And in fact, it was only upon this testimony that Mary believed and said “Behold I am the handmaid of the Lord, be it unto me according to thy word.”

30 is therefore significant as the age of maturity. Life may “begin” at 40, but we step into maturity 10 years before beginning life. In other words, we mature before we live.

Our topic today is therefore asking about what we should have known before maturity, before becoming of age. In other words, what should I have known when I was still YOUTH?

The 6 ‘Paulian’ Standards

Paul says to a young Timothy “Let no man DESPISE thy youth; BUT be thou an EXAMPLE of the believer, in WORD, in CONVERSATION, in CHARITY, in SPIRIT, in FAITH, in PURITY.” (1 TIM 4:12)

“LET NO MAN” means do not allow any person, do not give grounds, room, reason, justification or basis.

To “LET” means to allow, permit, give permission to, give leave to, authorize, sanction, grant, grant the right to, warrant, license, empower, enable or entitle. Used with the negative adverb,”no,” gives it an opposite meaning, force and effect: “Do Not!”

It means that you are the only person who can allow the time of your youth to be despised by men. In other words, the time of your youth will be judged, weighed at some point in your life. Did it build you up for anything? In other words, even when you are no longer youth, the things you do will let others judge the kind of youth you were or upbringing you received.

You have heard it said, “ofri fie,” (he/she comes from a home); or “onyaa nteteɛ pa,” (he/she is of a good upbringing); or “ye tetee no, y’an nyɛn no sɛ akokɔ” (he/she was carefully raised, not simply kept like a chicken); or “na opanin nni ne fie?” (was there no elder person in his/her house/family?)

It may be true that you should not consider, too seriously, what others think about you. But Paul something different here. He says that what others think about you (especially during your time as youth), may be influenced by who you are, what you do and what you have become. In short, WHAT FOUNDATION DID YOU RECEIVE AS YOUTH? In other words, WHAT SHOULD I HAVE KNOWN AND DONE WHEN I WAS STILL YOUTH, I.E. BEFORE I BECAME AN ADULT?

Speaking of Foundations, the Lord Christ told the parable of Foundations. According to Matthew the Jewish Zealot, the story was very simple, and indeed simplistic. The wiseman built on a rock and the foolish man build it sand. When the tempests came, the building of the wise prevailed, while that of the foolish was torn down “and great was the fall.” (Mt 7:24-27)

Luke, the Doctor and intellectual tells the same parable, with a deeper insight. He says that the first man did not simply find a rock and build a house on it. Luke says the man “digged deep and laid the foundation on a rock.” The other man “without foundation, built an house upon the earth.” (Lk 6:47-49)

I side with the intellectual version or recount. Building a solid foundation for your future involves DIGGING DEEP to find A ROCK, and then LAYING THE FOUNDATION UPON THAT ROCK. Digging deep requires hard work, sacrifice, pain and endurance, and DEFERRED GRATIFICATION. You will see your friends just settle on any patch of earth, but you want more, you want better. You are unwilling unable and unprepared to compromise on your foundation. You are prepared to pay the price, take the pain today, deny yourself of today’s pleasure in the knowledge that when you finally HIT THAT ROCK, only God can stop you. Even the sky will not be your limit.

And so in Lam 3:27, the weeping prophet takes a break from his ‘jeremiad’ and affirms that “It is GOOD for a man that he bear the yoke in his youth.” That is where and when you pay the price, in your YOUTH.

Wise Solomon tells us in Eccl 12:1 that you should remember the Creator “in the days of your youth.” Because “evil days and years” will come, those last days when you have no pleasure in even continuing to live.

Thus any “man” will only have the ability to DESPISE your youth, if you LET him do so. The NIV says “look down on you.” NLT says “think less of you.” Another version says “thing slightingly of you.”

DESPISE itself means to “feel contempt or a deep repugnance for.”

It is synonymous with detest, hate, loathe, abhor, regard with contempt, feel contempt for, shrink from, be repelled by, not be able to bear/stand/stomach, find intolerable, deplore, dislike.

Your youth therefore provides the foundation of what you will be or become in adulthood. If you don’t build the right foundation, you allow or permit others to be repelled by what you become, because you did not get or attain the proper foundation.

BUT: Paul uses this conjunction in its natural meaning, used to introduce a phrase or clause contrasting with what has already been mentioned. It is synonymous with “yet,” nevertheless,” “nonetheless,” “however,” “despite that,” and “in spite of that.” eg “he stumbled but didn’t fall.”

Thus Paul is saying that the opposite or contrast to your youth being despised, is you attaining the 6 standards that he lays down or sets up after the use of the ‘disjunctive conjunction’ BUT. In other words, if you do not attain these standards YOU will LET others despise your youth.

And so my father’s people the Borbor Mfanste would call you “aambobra sansanyi,” a simile that compares the one with no achievement with the duiker bird.

The song “sansa aboa, mennyi beebi a mowu ma da” speaks of the wondering, restless soul of the homeless, jobless, lazy loafer of a duiker, whose only pleasure is feeding and feasting on hapless little chicks; hence the song “sansa akroma, ne na ewu o, ɔkyeke nkokɔ mba, ɔse ɔnkɛyɛ edwuma. w’akyinkyin, ekyinkin, ekyinkyin…”

Thus you are the only person who can invite despising towards your youth. NO ONE CAN LOOK DOWN ON SOMETHING THAT IS GREATER THAN HIM.

Back to Paul and his sometimes somewhat cryptic writing style, after setting up the PRE-TEXT in just 3 words, he then identifies 6 critical areas where youth must excel, so as not to attract societal opprobrium. But before then, the provides the CONTEXT, saying that you just must not be show them, you must be an EXAMPLE. A mere pass mark in a thing isn’t an example.

An example is “a thing characteristic of its kind or illustrating a general rule.” It is “a person or thing regarded in terms of their fitness to be imitated.” And so here, Paul’s context speaks to, not mere participants, but to that person who can truly and properly be regarded as a specimen, exemplification, representative case, a case in point, an illustration, a precedent, guide, model, pattern, blueprint, template, paradigm, the ideal, THE STANDARD.

This is what informs my personal mantras: If others sit, STAMD. If others stand, STAND OUT. If others stand out, be OUTSTANDING. If others are outstanding, be THE STANDARD.

And so in which areas of life are you to be THE STANDARD that Paul speaks about?

1. SPEECH
In word, in what you say. If ‘the Word WAS God’, then the message and the messenger are one! You must be what you say.

2. CONDUCT
– The way you live
– Way of life
– Manner of life
– Conversation
– Behaviour
– Deportment/Comportment

3. CHARITY
– Love. A verb. A doing word. It is when it is done that it becomes a noun.
Are you a hateful and spiteful person, or are you a loving and considerate person?

4. SPIRIT
This attribute appears in only the King James Version. It could refer to how yielded you are to the Holy Spirit in all of your life and conduct. But it could also mean the manner and disposition in which you do all things, i.e. your human spirit.

5. FAITH
Actually faithfulness. Are you dependable? Are you loyal? Do you have constancy, trueness, true-heartednes, dedication, and commitment? Can I bet my life on you? Or are you the one that we can bet and count on to fail.

6. PURITY
– Chastity (Here, I borrow from the wise words of superior court judges when they write a concurring opinion. In a situation like this, they would have said something like this: :”I have had the privilege of seeing and reading aforehand, the erudite opinion and presentation of your President, Michael Charway. I completely and wholeheartedly concur with what he has had to say, and I have nothing useful to add.”)

But the key thing about these STANDARDS is that there must be a balance. A false balance is an abomination, the Script says. You must be an EXAMPLE in each of these 6 areas, in your youth. If you fail at any in your youth, you weaken your foundation for adulthood, and you invite others to despise your youth, either in the time of your youth or even when you are an adult.

Thus at the end of considering these, may I suggest to you that these are not 6 separate and distinct standards, but altogether, they form ONE STANDARD. There may be 6 components of the whole, but we are required to be an “EXAMPLE”, one example or all 6, rolled into one. If we slack or fall short in even one, we have failed in all. Then we invite the despising that Paul spoke to Timothy about.

May the Lord forbid that your children will one day curse the day that you were born.

The ‘Youthful’ Christ

But we serve a Christ who retains his youth. When God the Father invites God the Son in Ps 110:1 to sit at His right hand “until I make thine enemies thy footstool”, the Father assures the son in v.3 that “Thy people shall be willing in the day of thy power in the beauties of holiness from the womb of the morning: THOU HAST THE DEW OF THY YOUTH.”

That is what must have inspired the songwriter to write “let the Dew of Heaven bring us a refreshing….”

Youthfulness is supposed as be as fresh and as nourishing as the dew, pure and beautiful, born from the womb of morning. That is why the same Psalmist penned that “Weeping may endure for a night, but joy comes in the morning.” And surely, this is what inspired me to write in my song “Me Twɛn Yehowa” that “Nti sɛ nusuo bɛsoɛ me anadwo a, Nanso ade kyeɛ ne anigye n’ɛnam…”

Alas, the Dew of Heaven is a person, the Lord Christ. He, who has retained the dew of his Youth, assures us in Ps. 103 that if we live a life that blesses the Lord, he will (1) forgive iniquities, (2) heal diseases, (3) redeem from destruction, (5) crown with lovingkindness and tender mercies, and (5) satisfy our mouths with good things. The sum total of these blessings is that “so that your youth is renewed like that of the eagle”.

No one knows how long eagles live. But some eagles in captivity have been known to live for over 100 years. This is because every year, eagles go through a natural process called “moulting” when they cast off old feathers and receive new ones, which come with renewed strength and energy to soar and reach heights that no other creature can reach with natural strength.

May our youth be renewed each morning by the Dew of Heaven. May the weepings of the ‘night’ disappear when morning breaks. May we gather the strength to tap into the Dew of Heaven so that we remain fresh each day. May we moult like the eagle so that we can soar the heights. May our feet become like hinds’ feet so that we can capture our heights.

My List of Six

And so all of that I have said before, is my introduction to the list of six (6) things that I wish I knew [more about] before turning 30, and I simply want to invite you, in the light of what we have shared before to think and meditate on these, as I come to a close.

1. Me
2. Life
3. Work
4. Friendship
5. Marriage
6. Wisdom

Pr. 30:24-28 Roll Cal of The Little but Exceedingly Wise
* Ants: weak – prepare meat in the summer
* Rock Badgers: feeble – but has homes in the rocks
* Locusts: no king – but go forth in formations that can make any army jealous
* Spiders: can be held in the hands – but the spider and its web can found in the palace

Sapientia et Doctrina Stabilitas: “Wisdom and Knowledge Shall be the Stability of Thy Times” – Isaiah 33:6 and the motto of the second university that I attended, Queen’s University. Wisdom alone isn’t enough. Knowledge alone isn’t enough. It is wisdom PLUS knowledge that provide stability in all times.

In sum, I wish I knew THEN, what I know NOW, especially that “You will have to keep your mouth open for a very long time, before a roasted partridge flies into it.”

May I reminisce?

11th July 1994 was a Monday. I was still 26, bright-eyed, and a tad confused about life and its twists and turns. At 10:00am, it was definitely a nervous me who was ushered into the room where I was to defend my masters thesis with a long title: THE DESIGN AND OPERATION OF TAX INCENTIVES FOR FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT IN LESS DEVELOPED COUNTRIES.

You see, for the preceding 11 months I had been a student at the Faculty of Law, Queens University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada studying and writing, in an attempt to acquire a Master of Laws degree in International Taxation Law. The course itself was not stressful. Earlier in February, I had indicated to my supervisor, the late Professor Alec Easson (an extremely pleasant Englishman, Oxford and LSE grad), that I thought that I was ready to defend the thesis. He patiently explained to me that my course had a three-semester residency requirement, and that although he agreed that I was ready, I simply had to wait. I absolutely admired and adored Alec. He was the first law teacher to tell me “Ace, my name is Alec, not Prof Easson.” Another time, he said to me, when I was busily regurgitating law, “Ace, I am not really interested in how much law you know. I am more interested in what you think about the law you know.” Alec shaped my life and thinking in more ways than he ever knew, and I quietly mourned him when he died in January 2007.

Thus between March and July, I just had fun. I worked for Alec as his Research Assistant to make some extra money. And then I watched loads of TV. I also spent time discovering the more interesting aspects of Canadian life with my key buddies, Tanzanian lawyer Hamudi Majamba (now Professor of Law at the University of Dar es Salaam) and Barbadian engineer Robert Bascom. And there was fun-loving Camerounian lawyer Nicoline Ambe (who still looks like she is 16), and Ghanaian MBA Aba Cato Andah, who was my movie-watching mate (yeah, Tuesdays were cheap nights). Ah, there was that Christmas 9-hour drive from Kingston to Philadelphia with American human rights lawyer Alan Clark (He has never stopped reminding me we got lost at some point because I couldn’t read, and then I left my passport in his car!!) But easily my ‘classleader’ was Andrea Timoll, whose thesis was on deconstructing Antigone and had coined the word “phallologocentrism.” And the encouragement of Prof Rosemary Ofei-Aboagye King. I wrote, arranged old Joyful Way songs, and did sequencing and pre-production of the songs that ended up on Joyful Way’s 1994 Osabarima album. And I did a lot of “church”, helping to organise a gospel music concert at my church. Incidentally, I am struggling to contact the church now. It seems to have disappeared. Yes, it was months of fun. But I digress.

When I entered the room, the law professors were there, some seated, and others grabbing a cup of coffee. Of course, Prof Easson was there. I also remember that Prof Venkata Raman (whose Foreign Investment/NAFTA course I had audited in the First Semester) was seated. I think the Dean of the Faculty, Prof Don Carter, was also there. And then there was the external examiner, Prof Vern Krishna, International Taxation expert from the University of Ottawa. and the then Executive Director of the National Committee on Accreditation of the Federation of Law Societies of Canada

I was directed to sit in a chair at the head of the table, my heart beating, but at the same time confident. For the next two hours, I thoroughly enjoyed the banter, question and answer, a unique opportunity to joust with my betters, my superiors and established academics in my area of study. At the end of it I was asked to leave the room for the panel to confer. When I was called back, Prof Krishna announced that I had passed, and that all I had to do was to fix some typos and formatting.

As was the tradition, the panel took me to lunch in some flashy restaurant in downtown Kingston. I was seated next to Prof Krishna. In the course of lunch he asked what my next plans were, and I said that although I had gained admission to do further grad work in Michigan, I was going back home to Ghana. He could not believe it. He calmly advised that I stay and apply to University of Ottawa to do the doctorate programme in international taxation law. He added that he would also recommend me for accreditation so that I could write the Bar exam and qualify to practice in Canada. He turned to Prof Easson and said to him, “this gentleman should not be going back to Ghana.”

Excited? Yes! Flattered? Yes! Tempting? Yes! I could simply melt into Canada, say bye-bye to Ghana. New life. New prospects.

But what did I do? That evening, I went through my thesis to fix the typos and formatting issues. I spent the next day, 12th July 1994 doing nothing but thinking. I made some hard decisions. I called my family in Philly to tell them what I was going to do. That night, I partied (like I had never done) with my flatmates who had organised a party for me. The next morning, I caught a Greyhound bus to Lester Pearson Airport in Toronto. It was from the airport that I called my cousins in Toronto to tell them that I was returning to Ghana. I boarded the Air India flight to London. I got to London the next day, 13th July 1994, spent the night with my sister at Maida Vale and was on the Ghana Airways flight back home to Ghana, touching down at Kotoka in the evening of 14th July 1994.

Why? Because the night of 12th July 1994 was a turning point in my life. I had the degree that I went to Canada to get. I thought long and hard. Did I really want a doctorate in law, so that I would become “Dr. Ankomah” by when I am 30? But was that what I wanted to do with my life? To the disappointment of my profs and some family members, I concluded that I did not want to spend the next 4 years of my life studying one area of the law just to add some more alphabets before and after my name. That was all a doctorate meant to me. Canada was a great country, but it was clearly not for me. North America was not for me. It was there that I discovered that I was black. I wasn’t ever going to get used to being checked out when I enter a shop, because being black meant that I was a potential shoplifter. I wanted to live and work in a country where most of the people I meet, would look like me!

I was only 26 years old. But I wanted to make some money, I mean real MONEY. I had spent a year as a scholarship student in Canada, and I didn’t want to spend more years like that. 20 years on, I am pretty certain that I would take the same decision if I was faced with it today.

So I arrived in Accra within 2 days of defending my thesis, got married, resumed work at my law firm, babies came along (yes, 3 of them in 5 years), Associate, Lecturer, Senior Associate, Senior Lecturer, Partner, Managing Partner…

[And now for the tired cliche] “The rest,” as they say, “is history.”

[Edited version published in the July 7 2014 edition of the Daily Graphic newspaper at page 42]

The Editor

Daily Graphic newspaper

Accra

Dear Sir:

I read with some amusement, the Opinion of my friend and senior Mfantsipim old boy, Colin Essamuah in his Abura Epistle column, and titled ‘A Stroll in the Park on Republic Day!’ I could not help but notice that although the Opinion was published in the July 4 2014 edition of the Daily Graphic, the page on which the Opinion is published bore the date “June 4”! The printer’s devil has a cruel sense of humour!

I participated in, and was very vocal at, what Mr. Essamuah derisorily called “A Stroll in the Park,” a particularly remarkable description of an event that involved braving a heavy rainfall, facing police blockades and risking arrests.

Middle Class?
Who cares? Tags don’t matter, and Mr. Essamuah knows that more than I do. I recall (faintly) that many years ago when his membership of the New Patriotic Party was challenged on the fatuous ground that he didn’t have a party card, he famously and rightly retorted that the NPP was not the Communist Party for which a party card was a be-all-and-end-all, or words to that effect. I am a Ghanaian. That is all that matters. Until July 1 2014, I had never participated in any demonstration. But that morning, I looked at my circumstances and that of the country, and concluded that the 4-year wait to “speak” only through a vote, is cowardice. The constitutionally guaranteed democratic space permits us to continuously give flesh and voice to what we think and feel about how this country is ruled.

Just like Mr. Essamuah, I had public secondary and university education in Ghana. That meant that both he and I, enjoyed government subsidies funded by the sacrifices of the Ghanaians, many of whom, and whose children, did not have the same opportunities. We owe to them what we have become, at least in part. I don’t know which class I belong to; I don’t care. The privilege of education imposes a duty upon me to fully occupy my democratic space when I see or feel that things are going off beam.

Have Things Gone Off Beam?
Of course they have. Mr. Essamuah doesn’t deny that. He only wants us to remain incurable optimists. But Electricity. Water. Fuel. Roads. Education. Basic needs. The lack of them. Under my ‘social contract’ with the government, I work (or starve), pay taxes and obey the law (or go to jail). The government has to provide all of the above, and more. But name it, and the government is unable to provide it; yet it gets antsy and the kittens when we demand that it should fulfil its side of the bargain?

Yes, for me, one other immediate cause was BRAZIL! Mr. Essamuah is right and wrong. It was not the elimination of the Black Stars (I didn’t think that they would get far anyway), but the embarrassment caused by that “money-on-plane” saga. This is against the background of our government and central bank restricting access to our legitimately acquired foreign currency in the banks. Fair, that’s the law. We live with it. Then our government (with our central bank’s approval or connivance), turns around, puts millions of foreign currency on our presidential jet and flies it into Brazil to live TV coverage and soap-opera rivaling ‘bling,’ exposing us to worldwide derision. A twitter handle purporting to be that of Steven Gerrard, England and Liverpool captain, cryptically said: “Pride and passion with commitment can’t be bought with a private jet carrying $3m.” And as if to prove him right, within days, we, who showed such sickening opulence in Brazil, announced that we are going to borrow foreign money to provide basic needs, such as sanitary pads to school girls. Mr. Essamuah might not see anything wrong with this picture. That is his democratic right. I see everything wrong with it; my democratic right.

And so I am tickled when Mr. Essamuah calls our views “preaching hopelessness.” Optimism is good. Baseless optimism is unwise. If the situation is pretty much hopeless, we must say it. It is the government’s duty to fix it!

Private Schools?
Mr. Essamuah has a problem with people whose children are in private schools, claiming that “most of the protesters” pay “fees in dollars and are ready to ship them out to foreign schools to become taxpaying citizens of other countries, as they look down upon our public schools.” That is intriguing. Mr. Essamuah, from which statistical bases did you arrive at or settle on your word “most”? What was your sample space and margin of error? And, by the way, it is illegal to pay fees in dollars in Ghana. If you know anyone who is still doing that, call the Bank of Ghana! But what takes the biscuit is your claim that the ability to send one’s children to foreign schools means one cannot love Ghana. Mr. Essamuah, can we ask the President which schools HIS children attend in Ghana and elsewhere? And, you and I, at some point, lived and studied in other countries. What does your conclusion say about you?

NPP?
Mr. Essamuah massages the refusal of the demonstrators to allow his good friend and one-time political ally, Asamoah Boateng to address them, and concludes that an unnamed “main rival” in the NPP was linked to this. That is funny. Obviously, Mr. Essamuah was not there. The chant was “no politician!” Need I say more?

Conclusion
The 1/7/14 #OccupyFlagStaffHouse demonstration was spontaneous. Unlike political parties, no one was bused there or paid money or given T-Shirts to appear. People got up from their homes, found their own way there, made their point, and went back home. Some government actors have desperately and laboriously sought to diminish what happened in many ways. But they have failed. The more they speak and write, the more they give traction to #OccupyFlagStaffHouse, and the more it becomes obvious that those “few” people drove a strong point home. The political establishment (howsoever constituted) has been forced to take notice. Even if the petition found its way into the nearest trash bin or shredder at the Flagstaff House, government has been put on notice that it doesn’t take a crowd to force a change. Sometimes all it takes is a few good men and women and children, prepared to take a “Stroll in the Park,” brave the elements and show no fear for fully-attired riot police!

Thanks, Mr. Essamuah for your “June 4 Opinion.” It reminds me of the statement ascribed to the murdered Thomas-a-Becket in T. S. Eliot’s “Murder in the Cathedral,” that:

We do not know very much of the future
Except that from generation to generation
The same things happen again and again.
Men learn little from others’ experience.
But in the life of one man, never
The same time returns. Sever
The cord, shed the scale. Only
The fool, fixed in his folly, may think
He can turn the wheel on which he turns.

In Tunisia, it took just one man!

 

Yours faithfully,

Ace Anan Ankomah

When I used to teach Company Law, I would often tell the students that there is one answer to almost every legal question: “IT DEPENDS.” I however stopped saying that when one student answered an exam question by quoting my flippant “IT DEPENDS.”

But in this situation, that answer applies, and I want to take you through the law that regulates the businesses that companies are authorised or not authorised to engage in.

The common law has evolved doctrine called “The Ultra Vires Doctrine.” Generally, it applies to acts beyond the scope of one’s defined powers. The term has a broad application and includes not only acts expressly prohibited but acts that are foreign to or in excess of powers granted, although not expressly prohibited. The term applies to either when an entity/person has no power to do an act, or where the entity/person has the power but exercises it irregularly.

Section 16(2) of the Companies Act mandatorily requires that the regulations of a company must state the nature of the business or objects which the company is formed to carry on. Normally referred to as “authorised object or businesses,” at common law the powers of a company is dependent on and governed by the objects/businesses as defined in the objects/businesses clause.

Section 25 of the Companies Act is emphatic that a company shall not carry on any business not authorised by the Regulations. This is a prohibition of ultra vires objects/businesses, and it is necessary to protect members and creditors, and to limit the nature of the business activities that the company can undertake to those that are expressly stated in its Regulations. By this enactment of the ultra vires doctrine, a contract made by a company beyond the scope of its objects/businesses and corporate powers is unlawful.

To that extent, it is, at least on the face of it, ultra vires for a company that is incorporated to engage in information technology, to be engaged in the import of motorbikes for another person.

However, that is not the full story. This is because section 24 of the Companies Act provides that in furtherance of its authorised objects/businesses prescribed in the Regulations, a company has all the powers of a natural person of full capacity. When sections 16 and 25 are read together with section 24, they mean that in addition to the company having power to engage in its authorised businesses, it may do such other things that are reasonably incidental or conducive to the carrying on of its business and/or attainment of its objects, except where they are expressly excluded in the Regulations.

Thus in determining whether a company has acted ultra vires its powers, the two-fold test is:

(1) Is the act an expressly authorised object or business?
(2) If not, is it reasonably incidental?

If the answers to both questions are in the negative, then the act is ultra vires.

However, section 25(3) states an act of the company is not invalid, merely because the act is ultra vires. Thus in Ghana, ultra vires acts, although wrong, are binding on the company, and the company cannot seek to escape its obligations under a contract simply because the contract is ultra vires. By this provision, Ghana law seeks to maintain whatever protection to members that the strict ultra vires rule offers, as well as prevent hardship to third parties.

This is further buttressed by proviso (b) to section 139, which states that a company cannot escape liability for acts undertaken concerning an unauthorised business, if in fact that business in being carried on by the company. Without this provision, the protection afforded to third parties under section 25 would be useless if having escaped the peril of the company’s incapacity, a third party is caught because the specific business to be undertaken by the company under the contract, is not mentioned in the company’s authorised businesses.

Section 139 is a codification of the so-called Rule in Turquand’s Case (Royal British Bank v. Turquand (1856) 6 E & B 327) which is to the effect that for business cannot be carried on if everybody who had dealings with a company had meticulously to examine its internal machinery in order to ensure that the officials with whom he dealt had actual authority.

Further, under section 141, the mere fact of the registration of any particulars or documents (e.g. the Regulations and the authorised businesses clause in it) with the Registrar of Companies, does not constitute notice to the whole world. Thus no one is under a legal obligation to ascertain whether a company has power under its Regulations to undertake a certain business before entering into a transaction with the company.

Section 142 provides that any person dealing with a company is entitled to assume, unless the contrary is known (actual notice) or ought to have been known (constructive notice), that the Regulations (including the provision on authorised businesses) have been complied with.

In Boohene Foods Ltd. v. National Savings and Credit Bank [1992] 1 GLR 175, the court recognised that it was a well-established presumption in the common law that an outsider dealing with a company was entitled to presume that its internal regulations had been complied with. Section 142, according to the court, has given that presumption a statutory backing. However, that presumption was rebutted by proof of express or constructive notice.

The question therefore, is whether a third party with actual or constructive notice that a company is not authorised to enter into a stated business, can come under the statutory protection of third parties. This question is answered, in part, in the case of Chellaram & Sons (Ghana) Ltd. v. Halabi [1963] 1 GLR 214, where the Supreme Court upheld an important exception to the rule, that a person who deals with a company and who has notice of an irregularity in its internal management in connection with the subject-matter of his dealings cannot take shelter behind the rule.

However, what the law does not say is that a person who enters into a transaction with a company with full knowledge that the transaction is ultra vires the company, can decide to abrogate or resile from the contract on that ground. The contract is valid and binding.

But that is not the full story. The authorised businesses of a company relate directly to the capacity of that company to undertake a stated venture. Thus a procurement entity or procurement authority (appointed by law to protect the public purse) that is required by law to investigate the capacity of a company, must definitely ask to see a company’s regulations and see what it says about the company’s authorised businesses. That is a clear indication of whether the company is able to deliver on the contract. If the company has put in a bid for a business outside its authorised business, that should put the procurement entity and procurement authority on notice with respect to the company’s track record in that line of business, or lack of it.

It would appear then that the only statutory remedy to preventing ultra vires transactions is an Injunction under section 25(4)&(5) of the Companies Act. An injunction is a judicial process requiring a person to whom it is directed to do or refrain from doing a particular thing, i.e. a court order commanding or preventing an action. Under the Act, any member or holder of a debenture secured by a floating charge over property (or his trustee) may apply to the court for an injunction prohibiting any ultra vires act. If the contract is yet to be made or performed, the court has the discretion to set aside and prohibit the making or performance of the contract. It may however award the company or the other party to the contract compensation for any loss or damage sustained by reason of the order of the court. However, compensation cannot be awarded in respect of loss of profits anticipated to be derived from the performance of the contract.

An applicant seeking an injunction to prevent a company acting outside it capacity, will have to bear the following in mind:

(i) It becomes the task of the court to determine, on a true construction of the objects clause, whether the proposed activity would be ultra vires;
(ii) If the act sought to be prohibited has already been performed, the remedy will not be granted;
(iii) Injunction is a discretionary remedy and will be granted only where the court thinks it equitable so to do; and
(iv) All parties to the ultra vires act should be made parties to the action because an injunction, if granted, will only be binding on parties to the action.

In conclusion, it is a wrong for a company that is incorporated as an IT company to engage in the importation of motorbikes, unless it can be shown that the importation of the motorbikes is reasonably incidental to its IT business. However, even though it is wrong, the law protects the other party who entered into the transaction, so that the company cannot escape liability simply because the transaction was ultra vires. And, the only people who can stop the transaction, are members or creditors of the company, but then only by way of an injunction.

So, you see, IT DEPENDS!